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Bach Perspectives, Volume 9J. S. Bach and His German Contemporaries$

Andrew Talle

Print publication date: 2013

Print ISBN-13: 9780252038136

Published to Illinois Scholarship Online: April 2017

DOI: 10.5406/illinois/9780252038136.001.0001

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The Famously Little-Known Gottlieb Muffat

The Famously Little-Known Gottlieb Muffat

(p.77) The Famously Little-Known Gottlieb Muffat
Bach Perspectives, Volume 9

Alison J. Dunlop

University of Illinois Press

Abstract and Keywords

Gottlieb Muffat (1690–1770) is considered the most successful composer of keyboard music of J. S. Bach's generation to have worked in Vienna. His reputation is based on (1) the corpus of extant works, which is significantly larger than those of his Viennese contemporaries, including his teacher J. J. Fux (ca.1660–1741); (2) the dissemination of Muffat's music during his lifetime; (3) his financial success; and (4) G. F. Handel's extensive borrowings from his music. Yet despite his eminence, little is known of Muffat's life. This chapter evaluates the influence of family background, cultural ties, and social spheres on Muffat's activities as a composer, and draws comparisons with musicians working at the same time outside Habsburg domains, including J. S. Bach.

Keywords:   Gottlieb Muffat, German composers, keyboard music, J. S. Bach, classical music

Gottlieb Muffat (1690–1770) is regarded today as the most successful composer of keyboard music of J. S. Bach’s generation to have worked in Vienna. His reputation is based on (1) the corpus of extant works, which is significantly larger than those of his Viennese contemporaries, including his teacher J. J. Fux (ca.1660–1741); (2) the dissemination of Muffat’s music during his lifetime; (3) his financial success; and (4) G. F. Handel’s extensive borrowings from his music—all of which will be discussed in greater detail below. Yet in spite of his eminence, little is known of Muffat’s life.1 Although numerous documents pertaining to the Muffat family survive in various institutions, no personal correspondence, diaries, or detailed contemporary biographies are known to have survived. This essay aims to evaluate what influence family background, cultural ties, and social spheres may have had on Gottlieb Muffat’s activities as a composer, and to allow comparisons to be drawn with musicians working at the same time outside Habsburg domains, including J. S. Bach.2

Family Background

Gottlieb was the youngest son among nine children born to the composer Georg Muffat (1653–1704) and his wife Anna Elisabetha, née Voll (ca. 1646–1721). In order to have a (p.78) better understanding of Gottlieb’s musical influences and career path, it will be necessary to discuss the education and career of his father in some detail.3 Several hitherto unknown documents have been found during the course of my research that illuminate Georg Muffat’s life and provide us with information about his wife, Anna Elisabetha.

According to earlier biographers,4 the Muffat family was of Scottish or English origin and came to the Duchy of Savoy (which today belongs to France) sometime in the second half of the sixteenth century, after having been persecuted because of their Catholic faith.5 Georg, the son of Andreas and Margarita (née Orsy), was baptized on June 1, 1653, in Megève.6 It has been speculated that Georg Muffat’s father Andreas was in the imperial army, as were several other Muffats of Megève origin, one of whom (Jean-Pierre) was bestowed with the title Count Muffat of Saint-Amour in 1719.7 Georg Muffat’s family probably moved and settled in the Alsatian town of Sélestat (Schlettstadt) during Georg’s early childhood.

Georg Muffat spent much of his youth (ca. 1663–69) in Paris, where, according to the preface of his Florilegium Primum (Passau, 1695), he studied for six years with Jean-Baptiste (p.79) Lully (1632–87).8 It has been speculated that during his time there he was a member of the elite orchestra le vingt-quatre violons, a choir boy at one of the larger Parisian churches, or at the court of Louis XIV.9 We know that by September 1669 Georg had returned to Alsace, as he is listed as having appeared in the drama Maternus ex mortuo redivivus, Apostolus Alsatiae, post alteram mortem coelo insertus,10 performed at the Jesuit gymnasium in Sélestat. By 1671, Georg had moved to Molsheim, approximately thirty kilometers from Sélestat, where he is listed as a “Rhetoricus.” Muffat also held what was probably his first organist’s post here—which is noteworthy given that the Molsheim Jesuit church was the seat of the Strasbourg cathedral chapter between 1580 and 1681.11 How long Muffat remained here cannot be precisely determined, but an entry in the university’s registers reveals that by November 27, 1674, he had commenced legal studies at the university in Ingolstadt (Bavaria).12

Nothing is known of Georg Muffat’s activities or whereabouts in the years 1675 and 1676. In the foreword to the Florilegium Primum, he writes that upon returning from France to Alsace, he was expelled because of the so-called Dutch War (1672–78) and so departed for Austria and Bohemia before subsequently taking up his post at Salzburg.13 It has been suggested that in the years following his legal studies he was employed at the imperial court in Vienna (though his name does not appear in accounts there) and that he served as a teacher of Johann Joseph Fux, though this pleasingly symmetrical theory remains unsubstantiated.14 At some point, perhaps as early as 1674, Georg went into the service of the Harrach family.15

(p.80) Newly discovered documents in St. Stephen’s cathedral indisputably place Georg in Vienna on the day of his marriage there: June 29, 1677. The church records also reveal that his bride, Anna Elisabetha, was born around 1646 and that she was the orphaned daughter of Johann Caspar Voll, an administrator (Pfleger) in Waidhofen (Bavaria), and his wife Rosina. Given Waidhofen’s close proximity to Ingolstadt (approximately thirty kilometers), it would seem likely that the couple met when Georg was studying law.

Georg can next be traced to Prague on July 2, 1677, as is evidenced by a signed and dated manuscript of his solo violin sonata16—one of only two known surviving autographs (the other is of his Missa in labore requies).17 In 1678, he was appointed organist and cubicularius (normally translated as “chamberlain”) at the court of the Salzburg Prince-Archbishop (appointed cardinal in 1686), Max Gandolf Graf von Kuenburg (1622–87), to whom he dedicated his Armonico tributo (Salzburg, 1682). The precise date of his arrival in Salzburg cannot be determined, as there are gaps in payment lists between 1676–81 and 1688–94. There are, however, so-called Hofkammer Katenichel, which detail what was given to court employees annually at Christmas, and Georg is listed regularly beginning in 1678.18 The terminus ad quem for his arrival in Salzburg is the birth of his first child, Maria Anna, baptized in St. Rupert’s cathedral on December 22, 1678. During his time at Salzburg, a further six children were born.19 After Kuenburg’s death in 1687, Georg continued to serve under his successor, Johann Ernst von Thun (1643–1709). Whilst employed at Salzburg, Muffat was granted a period of study in Rome in 1681–82. It is difficult to ascertain the exact duration of his stay, but it is known that he was placed in quarantine at the borders of the Republic of Venice on October 16, 1681 (as a precautionary measure against the spread of epidemics) and was first allowed to continue his journey on November 15.20 In the foreword to Auserlesene Instrumental-Music (Passau, 1701), Muffat writes that there he learned the “Italian manner” of playing keyboard instruments from the world-famous Bernardo (p.81) Pasquini (1637–1710) and was inspired to compose several concerti after Archangelo Corelli (1653–1713), which he tried out in Corelli’s apartment. Georg was to return for the celebrations of the 1,100th anniversary of the foundation of the Salzburg church, which took place between October 17 and 24, 1682.21 Although the duration of his stay in Rome was relatively short, its value was profound for the composer, who is still revered for his artful synthesis of French, German, and Italian styles.

Before making his final transfer to Passau, Georg Muffat went to Augsburg for the coronation festivities of the future Emperor Joseph I, undoubtedly with the view of seeking an appointment at court. The imperial family arrived in Augsburg in August 1689, and between this time and the coronation of Joseph as King of the Romans on January 6, 1690, Georg Muffat had the opportunity to present his Apparatus musicoorganisticus (Augsburg, 1690).22 We know that Georg Muffat also visited Munich early in 1690. The exact purpose of his visit is unclear, but it is known that he met his future employer Johann Philipp von Lamberg and discussed terms of employment.23 The (p.82) Muffat family moved to Passau in the spring of 1690, sometime between March 15 and April 25.24 Georg Muffat had long been discontented with his position in Salzburg. Some have speculated that this dissatisfaction was the result of Heinrich Ignaz Franz Biber’s (1644–1704) appointment as Kapellmeister in Salzburg in 1684, but Muffat does not seem to have borne any animosity towards Biber, as there is evidence he chose to perform music by this very colleague in Passau.25 We know from a letter to Count Ferdinand Bonaventura von Harrach (1637–1706)26—whose daughter, Rosa Angela (1674–1742), Georg instructed in harpsichord and singing—that Georg wished to leave Salzburg as early as 1685, with the ultimate aim of obtaining a position at the imperial court in Vienna.27 In moving to Passau, Georg may have felt that his ambitions could still be realized, as his employer Johann Philipp von Lamberg had close connections to the court.28

From his arrival in Passau, Georg Muffat held the offices of Kapellmeister and Edelknabenhofmeister (or Edelpagenhofmeister).29 In 1700, Muffat wrote that he had been involved with music for “seven or eight years” at the cathedral. There he was responsible for instructing boys who also lodged with the family. He eventually withdrew from this post on October 16, 1700 (his resignation was accepted on October 21), claiming that the strain on his household was too great, he was getting too old, it was enough (p.83) work to take care of their own children, and that he was convalescing.30 The several documented quarrels with other church musicians and criticism of his instruction of the choirboys, however, may also have contributed to his decision to resign.31

Georg Muffat died on February 23, 1704, in a Passau occupied by Bavarian troops.32 According to the death register, he was buried in the cloister by the cathedral, although the gravestone was later removed and probably lost in 1811.33 His cause of death is unknown, but it is possible that he never fully recovered from the illness mentioned in the letter he had written four years earlier. As will be discussed in more detail below, shortly after Georg’s death, his wife and younger children moved to Vienna. Anna Elisabetha outlived her younger husband by more than twenty years and never remarried. A newly discovered document reveals that she died from hectic fever (Hectica) at age seventy-five at the Bohemian Chancellery in Vienna (where her son Sigmund worked) on February 12, 1721.34


Gottlieb Muffat was born in the prince-bishopric of Passau (now in Bavaria), probably in the school of the prince-bishop’s pages (fürstbischöfliche Pagerie).35 He was baptized “Liebgott” after his godfather Count Liebgott von Kuefstein (d. July 7, 1710)36 on April 25, 1690, in St. Stephen’s cathedral.37 The first tenuous reference to Gottlieb is (p.84) in a document dated December 22, 1700. Here, Georg Muffat is applying on behalf of one of his sons for a position as treble at the Mariahilf church in Passau.38 It was concluded that if his son was to obtain the post, he was also to serve at the cathedral. It is unlikely that these conditions would have been accepted, as Georg had resigned from his position at the cathedral only months earlier. In addition, several of the Muffat children are plausible candidates for this post; it is impossible to ascertain if Gottlieb was the son in question.

The next document pertaining to Gottlieb is found in the Obersthofmeisteramt records of spring 1705.39 We learn not only about his musical education but also that he was a child prodigy. The emperor had heard Gottlieb play the harpsichord (Clavir) five years earlier—when he would have been around ten years old—and “consoled” his father that if the son pursued his studies, the emperor would take him into service. It mentions that Gottlieb had already received instruction in playing (Schlag = kunst) and the rudiments of composition, and that he should receive a scholar’s post so that he could “make himself useful” in the emperor’s service. The Kapellmeister Antonio Pancotti (d. June 11, 1709)40 testifies that Gottlieb had been so well instructed by his father that even at such a young age he could soon develop into a “perfect” organist.41 (p.85) There is no mention in contemporary documents of Gottlieb having had any other kind of formal education, nor of having studied other instruments.42

Gottlieb continued his musical education under Johann Joseph Fux.43 He was accepted as an organ scholar on August 1, 1706, and received the standard provision for scholars (360 Gulden per annum).44 In a report dated April 16, 1712, Gottlieb is praised by Fux for his “extraordinarily unusual application.”45 Fux also promises that in three years, by which time one of the organists may have departed, Gottlieb will be able to serve well. We learn more about his training under Fux from Gottlieb’s petition to receive an organist’s post in spring 1717, in which he writes that his teacher instructed him in the art of music, organ, harpsichord (Clavier), and composition.46 Fux recommends him for the position, affirming that the emperor should not have any reservations in appointing him as he was not only a good virtuoso but had shown himself to be a capable organist through his untiring assiduity and study. Gottlieb continued to regard Fux as his master long after he had become established at court, referring in the Componimenti Musicali (Augsburg, ca. 1736–39) to his thirty-year continuous study under the celebrated master. Gottlieb’s high regard for his teacher can also be seen in the preface to his 72 Versetl (Vienna, 1726), in which he describes Fux as “without flattery the best master in the world.” It may also be inferred from Fux’s biased treatment of Gottlieb’s brother Johann Ernst (recommending him for a post as violinist) that Fux had a particular fondness for his student.47

The music Gottlieb studied under his father and Fux is largely a matter of conjecture. The veritable cosmopolitanism of Gottlieb’s works alone, however, indicate that he had (p.86) been exposed to a wide range of musical influences—unsurprising, given the breadth of his father’s own education and the Palestrina tradition in which Fux’s teaching was apparently grounded.48 Little can be determined about the contents of Gottlieb’s own library, as no inventory of his estate survives49 and relatively few manuscripts, printed editions, or other books can be confidently identified as having come from his close circle. Only two items are known to bear the annotation “ex libris Theophili Muffat”: Girolamo Diruta’s Il Transilvano (Venice, 1593 and 1609)50 and a manuscript copy of works by G. F. Handel transcribed by Muffat.51 Additional items that are likely to have come from Muffat’s estate include manuscripts containing works by J. J. Froberger (1616–67),52 J. C. Kerll (1627–93), and F. M. Techelmann (1649–1714).53 Two early nineteenth-century manuscripts of works by Froberger also appear to have been based on copies by Muffat.54 Only one manuscript is dated (1736),55 so we cannot know when Gottlieb came to know this music.

(p.87) In addition to Diruta’s Il Transilvano, Gottlieb is likely to have known a number of seventeenth-century treatises. His father is believed to have been the author of at least three theoretical works: Regulæ Concentuum Partituræ (Passau, 1699);56 De Praxis Compositionis Regulis (undated);57 and Regulæ Fundamentales (undated).58 Gottlieb is also likely to have known works once copied or owned by his friend P. Alexander Giessel.59 These include manuscript copies of Documenti armonici (Bologna, 1687) by Angelo Berardi (1636–94),60 Johann Andreas Herbst’s (1588–1666) Musica poetica (p.88) (Nuremberg, 1643),61 and an anonymous volume of studies in counterpoint modeled on Fux’s Gradus ad Parnassum (Vienna, 1725).62

Works copied by or belonging to Fux’s other pupils also illustrate the repertoire Gottlieb is likely to have studied. According to Köchel,63 Fux’s pupils included Jan Dismas Zelenka, František Ignác Tůma (1704–74), Ignaz Prustmann,64 and Georg Christoph Wagenseil (1715–77). From Zelenka’s period of study in Vienna (1716–19) survives his Collectaneorum Musicorum Libri Quatuor,65 which must display the (primarily Italian) repertoire Fux prescribed to his students for instructional purposes.66 The four books comprise fifteen Magnificat settings (Venice, 1542) by Cristóbal Morales (ca.1500–53), Girolamo Frescobaldi’s (1583–1643) Fiori musicali (Venice, 1635), seven ricercars by Alessandro Poglietti (d. 1683), four masses (Rome, 1554 and 1567) by Palestrina (ca.1525–94), ricercars (Op. III, Bologna, 1669) by Luigi Battiferri (d. after 1682), a ricercar by Froberger, two canons by Angelo Ragazzi, a canon by Bernabei[?], and several works by Fux. Similar repertoire is also found in several collected volumes of keyboard works in the Viennese Minoritenkonvent archive, which once belonged to P. Alexander Giessel. In addition to his own compositions, works once in his possession include: Missa primitiva (K 26) and Omni die dic Mariæ (K 251) by Fux;67 chamber works by Arcangelo Corelli and Giuseppe Torelli;68 and a staggering number (p.89) of keyboard works that date from the sixteenth to the early eighteenth century. These extant sources from Fux’s circle of pupils illustrate that his teaching of counterpoint was not based solely on artificially constructed systems such as the Gradus ad Parnassum (Vienna, 1725); rather, pupils were expected to have a thorough knowledge of works in the stile antico.69

It is worth noting that at least three of Gottlieb’s eight siblings also pursued careers in music.70 Franz Georg Gottfried (1681–1710) served as an instrumentalist at the Viennese imperial court. The first record of his presence there is a petition made by his father Georg for his son’s appointment following the death of the violinist Anton Schmelzer (1653–1701).71 In this document, which dates from summer 1701, it is stated that Franz Georg Gottfried had been serving for some years as violinist, flautist, and oboist. The Kapellmeister supported this petition owing to Franz Georg Gottfried’s extraordinary talent on the violin and other instruments. He was employed from July 1, 1701, with a monthly pay of 30 Thaler (45 Gulden)72 and from August 1, 1710, until his death he received an annual salary of 720 Gulden.73 Friderich (1684–1723), about whom regrettably little is known, is listed as having been a choirboy at the Mariahilf church in Passau in 1693.74 He served as a chamberlain and musician in Innsbruck and Mannheim at the court of Archduke Karl Philipp von der Pfalz-Neuburg.75 Johann Ernst (1686–1746) was also violinist at the Viennese imperial court and received his first official post on October 11, 1710 (with an initial salary of 360 Gulden per annum).76 After Joseph I’s death, Johann Ernst was not immediately reappointed at the court of (p.90) Karl VI but subsequently received a position as violinist at the court of the dowager Empress Amalia Wilhelmina.77 After almost two decades of unsuccessful appeals to be reappointed, he was finally granted a post on December 11, 1730 (with a salary of 400 Gulden), which he held until his death.78

Muffat’s Vienna

It is not yet known when precisely Gottlieb moved from Passau to Vienna; it would appear that most of the family relocated sometime after Georg Muffat’s death in 1704. At least two of Gottlieb’s siblings, Franz Georg Gottfried and Joseph, were already in imperial service there, and Muffats of a Savoy origin are known to have resided in Vienna as early as the seventeenth century, although their relationship to this branch of the family has not yet been established.79

Gottlieb Muffat married Maria Rosalia Eineder (or Einöder) in St. Stephen’s cathedral, Vienna, on May 22, 1719.80 Maria Rosalia was baptized in St. Stephen’s on January 19, 1700, the daughter of the court war-treasury controller (Hof Kriegszahlamts Kontrollor) Michael Eineder and his second wife, Isabella Feliciana (née Hauß).81 Gottlieb Muffat’s union with Maria Rosalia Eineder produced five children.82 Two died in infancy, unsurprising given the high infant mortality rates in Vienna at this time.83 (p.91) Gottlieb Muffat’s eldest son, Franciscus Josephus Ignatius Laurentius Thadaeus (referred to as Joseph or Franz Joseph in later documents), was baptized on August 9, 1720.84 He married Maria Josepha von Kriegl on July 25, 1751.85 Franz Joseph was seemingly the only child to follow in his father’s footsteps as a musician. In a petition dated October 16, 1732, Gottlieb writes that as a twelve-year-old Franz Joseph was already showing capability in his study of Latin and music.86 He also states that he is applying for this position because of the necessity to provide for his other children in these “difficult and expensive times”—a commonly given reason in musicians’ petitions—and was granted a scholarship with the usual remuneration of 360 Gulden for his young son on April 21, 1733.87 Around 1756, however, it would appear that Franz Joseph abandoned the profession.88 He died from hydrothorax (Brustwassersucht) at (p.92) the Muffat family home in June 1763.89 Gottlieb’s youngest son was baptized Joannes Nepomuzenus Carolus Leopoldus Januarius (Johann Karl) on September 19, 1735.90 We know little more about him than that he became a man of the cloth (referred to in the death records as a Geistlicher or Abé) and died from encephalitis (Hirn Entzündung) on either March 8 or 10, 1767.91 Gottlieb’s only surviving daughter was baptized Maria Anna Christina on July 3, 1725.92 She became a chambermaid (Cammerdienerin) to the Archduchesses Maria Amalia93 and Maria Anna.94 From her marriage to Jacob Joseph Woller (who received the title von Wollersfeld in 1764),95 which took place on February (p.93) 24, 1754,96 two children survived into adulthood—Maria Anna died from internal gangrene (innerlicher Brand) following the birth of her youngest daughter in March 1759.97 It is not presently known whether Gottlieb Muffat’s direct descendants lived beyond this generation.

(p.94) It is not known where Gottlieb Muffat lived when he first came to Vienna. His marital home was Weihburggasse 2/Kärntnerstraße 11 (959, 998, 940),98 referred to in early records primarily as the “Schönbrucker” house and later as the “Eineder” or “Muffat” house. The building is situated in the heart of the old city, on what was and remains one of its most important thoroughfares.99 It is not possible to reconstruct the exact living quarters of Gottlieb Muffat and his family, but one can gain an insight into (p.95) the typical distribution of space in a building of this size (214 Quadratklafter100) from the Josephinische Steuerfassion.101 It is also known from advertisements for an auction in the Wienerisches Diarium in October 1763 that Gottlieb Muffat lived on the second floor of the building.102 In 1787, tradesmen occupied much of the ground floor, and there were a total of twelve apartments of varying sizes. Tenants included middle-class tradesmen, surgeons, and a dance master. The rent accrued from the tenants at this time after tax deduction equated to 2,739 Gulden and six Kreuzer.103

Employment at Court

Georg Muffat’s unsuccessful attempts at obtaining a position at the imperial court have been well documented, and it is therefore perhaps unsurprising that he should have wished to fulfill his ambitions through his sons. By the time of Georg’s death, at least two of his sons were already employed at court; Franz Georg Gottfried as violinist and Joseph at the Zehrgaden and later at the Hofkontrolloramt. As noted above, Gottlieb Muffat was first employed on August 1, 1706, with the usual scholar’s provision of 360 Gulden. When he was appointed organist proper at the court of Karl VI on April 3, 1717, he was initially granted a yearly salary of five hundred Gulden, but this was (p.96) increased retrospectively on June 1, 1717, to 720 Gulden.104 He received a final pay increase on 19 March 1723,105 bringing his annual salary up to nine hundred Gulden, which he retained during his service at court and as a pension.106 According to an Obersthofmeisteramt report, this was an ordinary salary for good or older organists.107

Muffat’s duties, and consequently the time available to him for composition and private teaching, must have depended largely on the number of other active organists. A rotation policy was in place at the imperial court. In a report dated April 16, 1712, it is noted that three organists—Georg Reutter the elder (1656–1738), Leopold Rammer (ca. 1661–1730), and Johann Georg Reinhardt (ca. 1676 or 1677–1742), who had replaced Ferdinand Tobias Richter (1651–1711)—alternated on a weekly basis.108 It should also be taken into consideration that not all musicians serving at court are necessarily listed in the various calendars and account books; musicians often played without pay, probably to increase their chances of being employed if a position became available. Various Obersthofmeisteramt reports from 1728 reveal that the violinist Johann Paul Hammer (ca. 1703–48), for example, had been frequenting the court without pay for six years.109

Although in a 1712 report, Fux attests that Gottlieb Muffat would be ready to serve as organist in three years (i.e., 1715), the latter did not receive his first official appointment at the court of Karl VI until April 3, 1717. The problem was that all three aforementioned organists were still in service. Gottlieb did, however, find a position at the court of the dowager Empress Amalia Wilhelmina in 1714, which he probably (p.97) held until her death in April 1742.110 According to a document from the Vizezahlmeister Joseph de France’s estate, in 1738, 8,050 Gulden were allocated for expenses of Amalia Wilhelmina’s musicians. Gottlieb Muffat was the second highest-paid musician (after the music director), receiving an annual salary of six hundred Gulden.111 In many respects, the chapel of the dowager Empress Amalia Wilhelmina, and later that of Elisabeth Christine, acted as a stepping stone for those who wished to obtain a post at the imperial chapel.112

In his petition for a pay raise in January 1723, Gottlieb reiterates the content of his 1717 letter regarding his instruction by Fux in the “art of music.”113 He also mentions his duties as organist and his humble compositions.114 Fux elaborates that in light of his assiduousness, his “virtù” (virtue or acquired excellence), and the fact that the organists Georg Reutter and Johann Georg Reinhardt had the same duties but enjoyed seventy-five Gulden per month, Gottlieb should receive a raise of fifteen Gulden. According to Fux’s testimonial, Gottlieb also accompanied all operas and chamber festivities (Cammerfestinen). Gottlieb was successful in his petition and received nine hundred Gulden per year beginning on March 19, 1723.115

(p.98) Of the six organists employed at the imperial court around 1751,116 Gottlieb Muffat and Wenzel Pirck are listed as the most capable.117 In the Status dating from circa 1754, six organists (in and out of service) are listed: Gottlieb Muffat (900 Gulden), Anton Carl Richter (600 Gulden), Franz Rusofsky (400 Gulden), Anton Werndle (500 Gulden), Matthias Carl Reinhardt (400 Gulden), and Wenzel Pirck (500 Gulden). In addition, an unnamed beÿhilff (extra) is listed as having been employed for three years with 150 Gulden pay as of October 10, 1752.118 This number had diminished drastically by the end of the decade; in the Status dated November 1, 1756, only two paid organists are listed:119 Muffat first on an annual salary of 900 Gulden, and Pirck second with 600 Gulden. “Arbesser”—presumably Ferdinand Arbesser (ca. 1719–94)120—is also listed without pay.

Gottlieb Muffat was also a member of the so-called Musicalische Congregation (also referred to as the Cäcilien-Bruderschaft), founded in Vienna in 1725. He held the office of collectore—although this is listed as a temporary office, he is recorded as holding this position in both 1725 and 1740—whose duties entailed collecting membership fees (an initial fee of two Gulden and thereafter ten Kreuzer per month and any other donations that were made to the Congregation).121

Travels and Correspondence

At present, very little is known about Gottlieb Muffat’s travels and correspondence with musicians working outside Vienna. In Fux’s testimonial regarding Gottlieb’s appointment as court organist in 1717, we find the only mention of an elusive “forthcoming journey,” for which it is recommended that he should receive a considerable salary.122 (p.99) Although no further evidence of this anticipated journey has yet been uncovered, it is entirely possible that Gottlieb studied elsewhere, and this may explain his retrospective increase in pay in 1717.

In August 1723, Gottlieb traveled to Prague for the coronation of Karl VI as king of Bohemia. He also traveled to Pressburg (today Bratislava) for the coronation festivities in 1741. His name appears on several lists of musicians who were to travel to Pressburg for the coronation of the future Empress Maria Theresia as king [sic] of Hungary on June 25, 1741.123 All imperial musicians except for four trumpeters and a timpanist were sent back to Vienna on her majesty’s order on September 21 because of the increasing conflicts in the War of the Austrian Succession.

As relatively little is known about Muffat’s travels and private correspondence, his exchanges with other composers remain largely a matter of speculation. An assessment of influences on Muffat’s music—and indeed his influence on others—must be based on internal musical evidence alone. It is thus impossible to confirm the suggestion that Muffat was one of the earliest proponents of Bach’s music in Vienna.124 Tangible connections between the two composers are few. It has been claimed that the earliest Viennese source for a work by Bach (BWV 904/2) may have come from Muffat’s circle.125 There is no doubt that this manuscript dates from the early eighteenth century and is of Viennese origin; however, there is no evidence to allow us to directly associate it with Muffat.126 Only one work by Muffat (Ricercar 31) was copied into the manuscript in the eighteenth century, and its unidentified scribe is not known to have copied any other of his works. Given the predominance of pieces ascribed to Georg Reutter, it would seem more likely that the manuscript originated with one of Reutter’s pupils or friends. Only one other source for Bach’s music in Austria (containing BWV 914/4) provides a second, equally tenuous link between Bach and Muffat.127 The manuscript, (p.100) compiled in the 1730s,128 once belonged to the Stift Mattsee organist Johann Anton Graf (1711–91).129 Two manuscripts in the collection of the Benedectine Archabbey at Beuron shed further light on its transmission history and possible connections between Graf, Muffat, and Bach. The first manuscript contains an almost complete copy of the keyboard book belonging to Graf and an additional, lost source for Muffat’s organ masses.130 Annotations in the Beuron copy reveal that the original manuscripts were once in Otto Jahn’s (1813–1869) possession131 and were later acquired by Friedrich Chrysander (1826–1901).132 The second is a volume of keyboard music in (p.101) Graf’s hand133 that contains works by Muffat. At present it cannot be established if Graf and Muffat were in direct contact; however, the presence of unica in both sources may indicate that Graf obtained music (with the possible inclusion of BWV 914/4) directly from Muffat.

Although neither of these early Austrian sources provides any convincing evidence for Muffat’s role in the transmission of Bach’s keyboard music in Vienna, the possibility that he knew Bach’s music cannot be excluded. As has been mentioned above, no personal correspondence between Muffat and other musicians is known to have survived; however, there are several individuals who were mutually acquainted with both composers and could have served as mediators. For example, Muffat certainly knew his fellow Fux pupil Jan Dismas Zelenka (1679–1745); he is likely to have met Sylvius Leopold Weiss (1686–1750), whose work he transcribed,134 in Prague in 1723. He also gave keyboard lessons to the daughter of Count Johann Adam von Questenberg (1678–1752).135


Although Gottlieb Muffat has received much-deserved attention as a composer in his own right, he remains best known because of Handel’s extensive borrowings of his work.136 Otherwise, there are very few indications as to how Muffat’s music was (p.102) received during his lifetime. Most eighteenth-century lexica dedicate little space to the composer, but the distribution of sources and transmission of his music suggest that his music was known in what is now Slovakia, the Czech Republic, southern Germany, Berlin, and England.137 A considerable number of surviving copies of his two printed works, the 72 Versetl (Vienna, 1726) and Componimenti Musicali (Augsburg, ca. 1736–39), are also a testament to his popularity.138 Moreover, Muffat’s achievements at the Viennese court and the caliber of his pupils serve as testimony to how highly he was regarded.

(p.103) Gottlieb Muffat’s contributions as a composer must be understood within the context of the cultivation of music in Vienna, in particular at the Viennese court. Keyboard music in early eighteenth-century Vienna is still largely unexplored terrain. Although certain aspects, such as the printing trade, instruments, and isolated composers, have been investigated, the domain as a whole, in terms of its wider musical, sociocultural, and historical contexts, merits further study. One obstacle to future research remains the cataloging of and access to musical materials. Although scholars such as Riedel have taken great pains to document systematically vast numbers of manuscripts from this period, relatively few catalogs are in print.139 Almost equally few editions of Viennese keyboard music from the first half of the eighteenth century exist. Research conducted to date would suggest that Gottlieb Muffat was the most prolific composer of keyboard music in Vienna in the first half of the eighteenth century; however, the tenuous fate of manuscript sources renders all such statements rather dubious. The number of extant works by Georg and Gottlieb Muffat is relatively small, and the historian can only speculate as to how many manuscript sources of their works circulated in the eighteenth century.

In the music-printing trade, Vienna lagged behind other European cities such as Paris, Amsterdam, Augsburg, Nürnberg, and Leipzig. Until 1755, the university had jurisdiction over book dealers, who were obliged to take an oath with the rector before opening for business.140 Consequently, in the first half of the eighteenth century there were a mere six to eight booksellers operating in Vienna, and only a dozen by 1760. The change in the dissemination of music in eighteenth-century Vienna is also inextricably linked to sociological factors such as the growth of music-making by the middle classes and the soaring number of dilettanti. Gericke’s survey of advertisements in booksellers’ and printers’ catalogs and the Wienerisches Diarium offers insight into the keyboard music available in Vienna during Muffat’s lifetime. It must be emphasized, however, that print culture really did not develop in Vienna until the 1770s, and that even after this time the vast majority of music circulated in manuscript.141 Gottlieb (p.104) Muffat’s 72 Versetl is one of very few works to be published in Vienna before 1750.142 Another obstacle when trying to ascertain the function of many of Muffat’s compositions is the lack of descriptions of solo organ music in contemporary documents. For example, in their records of music performed in the church calendar, Kilian Reinhardt and Andreas Ziss comment only on the accompanimental role of the instrument.143

(p.105) The extant sources for Muffat’s music overwhelmingly present works for keyboard.144 The existence of four chamber works that can be confidently attributed to him (three keyboard concerti, MC D1–3, and Sonate Pastorale, MC D4), however, indicate that his output may have been more varied than the surviving sources suggest. Only two works were seemingly printed during Muffat’s lifetime: the 72 Versetl sammt 12 Toccaten besonders zum Kirchen Dienst beÿ Choral-Aemtern und Vesperen dienlich and the Componimenti Musicali per il Cembalo.145 Muffat also mentions a third projected publication in his preface to the latter work, which never materialized: “When I am certain that this work has given pleasure and is esteemed highly by experienced artists, I will have no hesitation in bringing out another, and it will be all the easier as I have already prepared most of it.”146 To date, no compositions postdating the 1740s have been identified. It has been suggested that after reaching his highest position at court, Muffat’s duties were increased, and this prevented him from dedicating time to composition.147 There have also been more romantic notions, such as Muffat lost his inspiration and desire to compose after the death of his master Fux.148 I would suggest, however, that it is (p.106) more likely that he did continue to compose but that the sources are lost. Indeed, most of his father Georg’s music has been lost, and even though we know Gottlieb began composing as a child, the earliest known surviving work dates from 1717, when he was twenty-seven years old.149


The identification of Muffat’s pupils also provides us with insights into how his music was transmitted, the nature and reliability of sources, and how they were disseminated. At present, only a handful are known. They include not only children of some of the most influential aristocratic families in Vienna but also members of the imperial family. Receipts for tuition (priced at eight Gulden per month) exist only for the daughter of Johann Adam von Questenberg (1678–1752) from the year 1724,150 and Renatha von Harrach (possibly Maria Renata von Harrach [1721–88], who would later become the morganatic wife of Duke Francesco III) from 1735.151 According to an anecdote published by F. W. Marpurg, Gottlieb’s pupils also included an unnamed Italian actress.152

An Obersthofmeisteramt report dated September 27, 1727, lists Gottlieb Muffat among the several teachers responsible for the musical education of the young Archduchesses Maria Anna and Maria Theresia.153 Gottlieb was responsible for their instruction on keyboard instruments (the term “Clavier” is used in this report and “Clavichordio” in a subsequent report [dated April 15, 1728]154). Other teachers included Gaetano Orsini (ca. 1667–1750) (singing) and Anton Phuniack (the rudiments of music). Carl Joseph Denk also had the honor of accompanying on violin so long as the archduchesses had dance lessons from the “old Phillebois.”155 When Gottlieb’s son Franz Joseph was appointed Hofscholar in April 1733, the boy was awarded the full scholar’s provision of 360 Gulden despite his young age because his father had been “diligent in his instruction (p.107) of the archduchesses.”156 We know from the preface of his Componimenti Musicali that Gottlieb also taught Maria Theresia’s husband, Franz Stephan.

How long Muffat continued to instruct the younger members of the imperial family is unknown, but Wagenseil was apparently his direct successor.157 It is likely that Gottlieb Muffat also instructed scholars at court. Wagenseil is frequently counted among them, but no documentary evidence for this has yet been found.158

The prefaces of Muffat’s two published works offer some insight into his pedagogical methods. He deemed his 72 Versetl not only as suitable for beginners or those still learning but also for connoisseurs. Here he mentions some basic issues of application and ornamentation to be taken into account when playing his work:

Even if a student has not studied my Applicatur, as used by the best authorities, he should not regret the rewarding effort of abandoning the old and embracing this one. I have used many changes of clef to assist learners: the upper staff being for the right hand and the lower for the left so that they don’t get in the way of one another. … So that the piece can be played with more spirit and adornment, at the end I have suggested realizations of the ornaments.159

It is commonly speculated that Gottlieb Muffat’s ornamentation system was devised by Fux—as it also appears in several manuscript copies of his keyboard music—and simply transcribed by his pupil.160 A much more likely model, however, is his father’s (p.108) French style of embellishment. Unlike Georg, Gottlieb includes a table of ornamentation in each of his printed works, a rarity in German keyboard music and exacting even by French standards. He offers almost twice as many examples on how to realize ornamentation in the later publication but only one additional symbol is explained. In the Componimenti Musicali, Gottlieb strongly recommends that the performer employ his ornamentation with finesse and discretion, so that it doesn’t interfere with the tempo, modulations, and melodic line.

By the time of the second publication, it is clear that Muffat had also revised his thinking in accordance with the changing needs and demands of his students (and prospective customers). He admits that fewer people were now used to so many clef changes, so he has limited their usage to the treble or soprano in the right hand and the bass and (less frequently) alto in the left, even though he would personally prefer to have more so that the notes could stay within the five lines of the staff. He emphasizes his careful attention to distribution of notes between the hands and gives specific advice on the basic principles of fingering.

In the context of his teaching, it is also useful to examine Gottlieb Muffat’s transcriptions of other composers’ work. The most obvious aspect of his transcriptions is the application of ornamentation; however, he also took issues such as hand distribution and clef changes into consideration and made minor changes such as reordering of pieces, the addition or removal of ties, and the alteration of rhythms (for purposes of consistency), accidentals, and cadences.161 His copies of other composers’ work include G. F. Handel’s Suites de Pièces (London, 1720) and 6 Fugues or Voluntarys (London, 1735), “mises dans une autre applicature pour la facilité de la main,”162 keyboard works by Froberger,163 and a now lost manuscript of a lute suite by Sylvius Leopold Weiss, whom he possibly met in Prague in 1723, “transposée sur le Clavecin.”

Gottlieb also seems to have adapted, as opposed to directly copied, his father’s works.164 A recently discovered manuscript in the Berlin Sing-Akademie collection165 includes a total of thirty-five pieces, sixteen of which are also found scattered across an (p.109) incomplete, badly damaged manuscript dating from the first decade of the eighteenth century.166 There are a total of twenty-seven manuscripts containing works by Georg and Gottlieb Muffat in the archive. This collection is therefore of extraordinary significance to Muffat scholarship—not only is it the largest single collection of Muffat manuscripts, but most of the compositions were previously unknown. Additionally, it contains the earliest and latest known works by Gottlieb Muffat, and genres previously not associated with him.

In his letter to Aloys Fuchs, dated November 25, 1834, Georg Poelchau wrote:167 “As you say that you have great respect for Z[elter]., whom you encountered through your correspondence with G., it pains me to tell you that I am not of the same opinion, as he has left the affairs of our library (the Singacademie) in such a state of confusion that the administration will feel the pains for a long time to come.”168 Poelchau could hardly have believed that this “confusion” would last almost two centuries. The precise contents of the archive remained unknown until the most recent cataloging project was completed, and even now there are still many unidentified works in the collection.169 The archive comprises approximately 264,100 pages of music dating from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century.170 Perhaps surprisingly for a choral society, vocal music occupies only about one third (30.8 percent) of the material in the collection. Instrumental works constitute over half of the collection (56.3 percent), of which 30.1 percent is keyboard and chamber music.171 The high proportion of orchestral music can largely be explained by the orchestral school (Ripienschule), which was founded (p.110) in 1807 by the director, Carl Friedrich Zelter (1758–1832, director from 1800). The presence of other genres may be viewed as a reflection of Zelter’s catholic tastes.172 A number of other eminent collectors bequeathed large amounts of music to the Sing-Akademie, for example, the violinist Friedrich Nicolai (1733–1811) and Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy’s great aunt Sara Levy (née Itzig) (1761–1854).173

At present, there is insufficient documentary evidence to allow us to establish the transmission history of the Muffat items in the Berlin Sing-Akademie archive. The first mention of these manuscripts is in the so-called Zelter Katalog, compiled around 1835 by the collector Georg Poelchau (1773–1836) to settle a legal dispute over the rightful ownership of Zelter’s estate.174

To my knowledge, there are no traces of the Berlin Sing-Akademie Muffat sources in any other collector’s possession, and there are few distinguishing marks on the manuscripts. One of the only indications of their earlier history are the catalog marks found on the covers of three manuscripts.175 A printed copy of the Componimenti Musicali176 bears the catalog mark “I.9” and the inscription “Lehmann auct.,” which has been identified as coming from the estate of Johann Georg Gottlieb Lehmann (1745/46–1816),177 organist and choir director at the Nicolaikirche in Berlin and a singer in the service of Prince Heinrich of Prussia. Lehmann was one of the first members of the Berlin Sing-Akademie in 1791 and considered one of the best solo tenors, for whom Fasch wrote many of his compositions. There is no documentary evidence that Muffat ever visited Berlin, but according to Marpurg, after Lehmann was born (p.111) Muffat entered into a correspondence with his father, Johann Peter Lehmann (d. 1772), organist at the Jerusalem- and Nicolaikirchen in Berlin.178 Johann Peter Lehmann asked Muffat to become godfather, a “testimony of his respect for him,” and Muffat accepted with pleasure.179 It thus seems likely that Johann Peter Lehmann received music from Muffat, which was passed on to his son before entering Zelter’s possession.

One Sing-Akademie manuscript (SA 4581) dates from around the 1730s and is in the hand of a professional copyist who also copied works by Gottlieb Muffat and Fux.180 Based on the provenance of these manuscripts, their notation, and their degree of accuracy, it would appear that this copyist was working directly for Gottlieb Muffat. Not only is this the most reliable manuscript source of Georg Muffat’s keyboard partitas, but it contains a total of nineteen hitherto-unknown preludes and dances—which, excluding the published Apparatus Musico-Organisticus, constitute almost 40 percent of the harpsichord repertoire that can be confidently ascribed to Georg Muffat.

Without having any reliable models of Georg Muffat’s keyboard partitas, it is impossible to determine to what extent Gottlieb “transcribed” his father’s work. Based on his treatment of Handel’s suites, we may reasonably assume that alterations included not only ornamentation but features such as redistribution of material between hands, clef changes, minor alterations to note values and rhythms, and the revision of cadences. It is also possible that he significantly reworked movements, such as the Ballet, which is found in different versions in the Minoritenkonvent (18r) and Sing-Akademie sources (6v–7r).

Muffat may be misconstrued as being prescriptive or even dogmatic because of his notational precision. From the prefaces to his printed works we learn that the carefully conceived Applicatur and ornamentation are intended to help younger players achieve an appropriate gracefulness. This is further supported by the subtitle for his Handel transcriptions, which states that they were made pour la facilité de la main. Another important motivation behind Muffat’s careful transcriptions would appear to be the preservation of earlier music, including works of Froberger,181 by making it accessible through modern notation.182

(p.112) Retirement

For reasons unknown, it became impossible for Gottlieb Muffat to perform all of his duties beginning in the mid-1750s, and he was pensioned on December 1, 1764,183 receiving his full salary until the end of his life. It would appear from Köchel’s lists of organists in Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle that no organists were serving at court between Muffat’s retirement and the appointments of Ferdinand Arbesser and Johann Georg Albrechtsberger in 1772. This is probably owing to how the imperial court finances were organized during Georg Reutter the younger’s term as Kapellmeister. Expenses for musicians were essentially subcontracted to Reutter in 1751. Reutter had a fixed (and relatively small) budget, the parameters of which were set in contracts of 1751 and 1756, to replace retired or deceased court musicians. This resulted in only eight musicians being employed directly by the court and thirty-five by Reutter at the time of his death in 1772.184

We learn from various Obersthofmeisteramt reports from the year 1765 that Georg Reutter had been paying for substitutes for Gottlieb Muffat, the bass Christoph Praun (who was pensioned at the same time, had been incapacitated for ten years, and died in 1772), and the violinist Karl Joseph Denk the younger.185 Reutter himself writes that he appointed the violinist Franz Kreybich (d. 1797) “half a year ago”—October, according to the Musikgraf Count von Sporck. Sporck also mentions that in October 1764, Reutter had replaced Praun and Muffat with Cirillo Haberda (d. 1795) and Leopold Hofmann (1738–93), respectively.186 He adds that it is not easy to find capable men who meet the demands of court propriety, as musicians could easily earn more money from pupils, compositions, or other private academies.

Death and Burial

Although the number of people living to over fifty years of age increased dramatically in the second half of the eighteenth century in Vienna, it is still remarkable that both Gottlieb Muffat and his wife reached eighty years. Precise causes of death are not easily determinable from death records, but lung illnesses seem to have been most common.187 According to the Totenbeschauprotokoll, Gottlieb Muffat died from Lungenbrand (p.113) (gangrene of the lungs) on December 9, 1770 (the Protocollum Mortuorum gives the date as December 11, and the Wienerisches Diarium December 10).188 His wife also died from gangrene of the lungs on May 26 or 28, 1781, at home.189

Gottlieb Muffat received a second-class funeral (which cost sixty-three Gulden, nine Kreuzer)190 and was buried at night in St. Stephen’s cathedral.191 All documents pertaining to Gottlieb Muffat’s last will and estate have been lost.192 The lack of musical instruments and books in his wife’s inventory of estate may suggest that many possessions had already been sold by the time of his or her death (for example, at the auction that took place at their home on October 19, 1763), although such items are often absent from inventories.193 Nevertheless, her probate documents give us some insight into their financial situation and social status. The entire estate was valued at an astonishing 13,534 Gulden, 10 Kreuzer.194 As a point of comparison, the estate of an indisputably successful contemporary of Gottlieb Muffat, Georg Christoph Wagenseil, who died only four years prior to Maria Rosalia, was valued at a comparably meager sum of 1,214 Gulden, 50 Kreuzer (which after the deduction of various liabilities, bequests, and fees still left a total of 454 Gulden, 43 Kreuzer unpaid debts).195

(p.114) Conclusion

By way of conclusion, it will be of interest to briefly contemplate how Muffat has been commemorated in the recent past. In Vienna, a city abounding with musical monuments, there are only two acknowledgments of Gottlieb Muffat’s long activity and residence there: a memorial plaque at the family home (privately erected) and the naming of a small street after him (Muffatgasse) in 1940 in the traditionally working-class suburb of Meidling. On first impressions, these may seem to pale in significance to the memorials offered to composers such as Mozart, Haydn, and Beethoven. When one considers how few traces of musicians and composers working at the imperial court can be found in Vienna, however, the symbolic worth of these small acknowledgments to Gottlieb Muffat is magnified.

Although an initial survey of the literature would suggest that Gottlieb Muffat has not suffered any significant degree of scholarly neglect, recent archival research has filled lacunae and revealed many more. Numerous matters of contention in secondary literature have been resolved. An examination of Gottlieb Muffat’s formative years has given us a better insight into his musical influences. By considering the background of the two major figures in his musical upbringing—his father Georg and Johann Joseph Fux—we can better understand their influence on Gottlieb Muffat. Georg Muffat had a broad and multifaceted education, traveled to what is today France, Germany, Austria, the Czech Republic, and Italy, held the important position of Kapellmeister at Passau, aspired to obtain a position at the Viennese imperial court, and had similar ambitions for his sons. Fux held one of the most revered positions of any European court for approximately a quarter of a century, and his reputation as a great pedagogue remains until this day. Gottlieb therefore was exposed to the diverse range of “national” styles so perfectly synthesized in his father’s writing and continued to learn the art of counterpoint in the rich unbroken Palestrina tradition for which Fux was the foremost expert.

It should be reiterated that although a great number of embellishments to our knowledge of Muffat’s life and works have been presented here, there remain several striking gaps. As is the case with so many of his Viennese contemporaries, our perception of Gottlieb Muffat is almost entirely dependent on our knowledge of his interaction with the imperial court. It must also be assumed that the relatively small number of extant sources of his music, which almost all appear to serve pedagogical purposes, reveal only one side of his compositional personality. We must therefore not only follow all available lines of inquiry but await more serendipitous discoveries that may allow us to assess more completely the contributions of Gottlieb Muffat as a virtuoso, pedagogue, and composer.

(p.115) Appendix 1: Muffat Family Genealogy196

I. Andreas Muffat, m. Margarita (née Orsy)

  1. 1. Georg (bap. 1 June 1653, Megève; m. Anna Elisabetha [née Voll], 29 June 1677, Vienna [b. ca.1646; d. 12 February 1721, Vienna]; d. 23 February 1704, Passau)

II. Children of Georg Muffat (I, 1)

  1. 1. Maria Anna (Maria Barbara) (bap. 22 December 1678, Salzburg; m. Carl Caspar Junglieb, 10 May 1708, Vienna; d. 4 September 1710, Vienna)

  2. 2. Franciscus Maximilianus Josephus (Joseph) (bap. 12 March 1680, Salzburg; m. 1. Maria Anna Kollhund [b. ca.1693, Vienna; d. TBP 13 March 1741, PM 14 March, Vienna], 31 August 1714, Vienna; m. 2. Elisabeth Krickl [née Winckler von Streitfort] [b. ca.1692; d. 14 May 1757, Vienna], 17 May 1744, Vienna; d. TBP 6 January 1745, PM 7 January, Vienna)

  3. 3. Franciscus Georgius Godefridus (Franz Georg Gottfried) (bap. 2 November 1681, Salzburg; m. Maria Theresia Kürner [m. 2. Georg Christian Embler, 11 August 1712, Vienna], 19 February 1703, Vienna; d. 25 August 1710, Vienna)

  4. 4. Sigismundus Fridericus (Friderich) (bap. 30 March 1684, Salzburg; m. Anna Maria Daniel, before 1717, Innsbruck; d. after 1723 Mannheim[?])

  5. 5. Joannes Sigismundus (bap. 2 June 1685, Salzburg; d. before July 1701, Passau[?])

  6. 6. Joannes Ernestus (Johann Ernst) (bap. 9 December 1686, Salzburg; d. 24 June [probate documents] or 25 June 1746 [TBP, PM], Vienna)

  7. 7. Sigismundus Ignatius (Sigmund) (bap. 15 February 1688, Salzburg; m. Maria Sophia Eineder [b. ca.1696, Vienna; d. TBP 5 March 1760, PM 7 March, Vienna], 17 May 1722, Vienna; d. 20 March 1760)

  8. 8. Liebgott (Gottlieb) (bap. 25 April 1690, Passau; m. Maria Rosalia Eineder [bap. 19 January 1700, Vienna; d. TBP 26 May 1781, PM 28 May, Vienna], 22 May 1719, Vienna; d. TBP 9 December 1770, PM 11 December, Vienna)

  9. 9. Maria Francisca (Maria Anna) (bap. 13 January 1692, Passau; m. Karl Josef Perhandzky von Adlersberg [b. Dresden; d. 15 June 1721, Salzburg]; d. 24 June 1760, Salzburg)

(p.116) IIIa. Children of Franciscus Maximilianus Josephus (Joseph) Muffat (II, 2)

  1. 1. Josephus Matthias Adamus (bap. 13 May 1715, Vienna; d. after 1741)

  2. 2. Leopoldus Josephus Franciscus (bap. 21 November 1716, Vienna; d. before 1741)

  3. 3. Maria Anna Catharina (bap. 4 August 1718, Vienna; d. after 1741)

  4. 4. Carolus Felix (bap. 14 May 1720, Vienna; d. after 1741)

  5. 5. Joannes Nepomucenus (bap. 13 April 1722, Vienna; d. 27 May 1722, Vienna)

  6. 6. Elisabetha Josepha Barbara (bap. 21 May 1723, Vienna; d. after 1741)

  7. 7. Maria Josepha (bap. 1 April 1725, Vienna; d. 6 September 1725, Vienna)

  8. 8. Susanna (b. ca. October 1726, Vienna[?]; d. 6 December 1726, Vienna)

  9. 9. Ferdinandus Franciscus Xaverius (bap. 23 December 1727, Vienna; d. PM 19 June 1786, TBP 20 June, Vienna[?])

  10. 10. “Christina” (b. ca. July 1730, Vienna; d. 6 July 1730, Vienna)

IIIb. Children of Franciscus Georgius Godefridus (Franz Georg Gottfried) Muffat (II, 3)

  1. 1. Joannes Georgius Melchior Maria (bap. 13 September 1706, Vienna; d. 25 August 1740, Vienna[?])

IIIc. Children of Liebgott (Gottlieb) Muffat (II, 8)

  1. 1. Franciscus Josephus Ignatius Laurentius Thadæus (Franz Joseph) (bap. 9 August 1720, Vienna; TBP 17[?] June 1763, PM 19 June, Vienna)

  2. 2. Maria Anna Christina (Maria Anna) (bap. 3 July 1725, Vienna; m. Jacob Joseph Woller [von Wollersfeld from 30 November 1764] [b. 22 August 1713, Traiskirchen; m. 2. Ernesta von Guttenberg, 7 October 1759, Vienna; d. TBP 1 January 1777, PM 3 January, Vienna], 24 February 1754, Vienna; d. TBP 14 March 1759, PM 16 March, Vienna)

  3. 3. Franciscus Josephus Joannes Ignatius Felix (bap. 25 June 1727, Vienna; d. 7 March 1728, Vienna)

  4. 4. Ignatius Josephus Vitalis Sigismundus (bap. 28 April 1732, Vienna; d. 18 March 1733, Vienna)

  5. 5. Joannes Nepomuzenus Carolus Leopoldus Januarius (Johann Karl) (bap. 19 September 1735, Vienna; d. TBP 8 March 1767, PM 10 March, Vienna)

IIId. Children of Maria Francisca (Maria Anna) Perhandzky von Adlersberg (née Muffat) (II, 9)

  1. 1. Josef Ernst (b. 1709, Salzburg; m. 1. Maria Anna Maralt [b. ca. 1713; d. 15 July 1734], 10 November, 1733, Salzburg; m. 2. Antonia Konhauser [b. 25 October 1715, Teisendorf; d. 30 January 1796, Salzburg], 27 September 1735, Teisendorf; d. 28 April 1772, Thalgau)

  2. 2. Karl Johann (b. ca. 1710; m. Franziska Steinheber [b. ca. 1717; d. 10 March 1789, Salzburg]; d. 4 February 1781, Salzburg)

  3. 3. Rosa Josefa (bap. 8 August 1712, Salzburg; d. before 1721)

  4. 4. Franz Anton Ignaz (bap. 10 January 1715, Salzburg; d. 27 February 1748, Salzburg) (p.117)

  5. 5. Ignaz Paul (bap. 28 April 1720, Salzburg; m. Maria Elisabeth Weiß, d. after 1773)

IV. Children of Maria Anna Christina (Maria Anna) Woller (née Muffat) (IIIc, 2)

  1. 1. Theresia Josepha Rosina Anna Magdalena (bap. 13 January 1756, Vienna; d. 18 January 1756)

  2. 2. Maria Anna Aloysia Erasmus Expeditus Thecla Margaretha (Maria Anna) (bap. 26 December 1754, Vienna; d. after 1809)

  3. 3. Josephus Dominicus Antonius Judas Thadæus Ignatius Franciscus Xaverius (Joseph Dominik) (bap. 18 January 1758, Vienna; m. Maria Anna Junker [b. ca.1760, Bozen, Tirol; d. 2 August 1819, Pöltenberg], 10 June 1785, Vienna; d. 17 November 1809, Graz)

  4. 4. “Christina” (b. ca. 14 March 1759, Vienna; d. TBP 14 March 1759, PM 16 March, Vienna)

V. Children of Josephus Dominicus Antonius Judas Thadæus Ignatius Franciscus Xaverius (Joseph Dominik) Woller (IV, 3)

  1. 1. Maria (b. ca. 1785; d. 18 October 1788, Vienna)

Appendix 2: List of Manuscript Sources and Works

I. List of Works

MC A: Works printed during Gottlieb Muffat’s lifetime

  • 72 Versetl sammt 12 Toccaten (Vienna, 1726)

  • Componimenti Musicali per il Cembalo (Augsburg, ca.1736–39)

MC B: Keyboard partitas

  • B1–B6: Set of six keyboard partitas

  • B7–B15: Set of nine keyboard partitas

  • B17–B19: Three Partitas entitled “Parisien”

  • B16, B20–B43 Miscellaneous keyboard partitas

MC App B: Anonymous keyboard partitas of uncertain authorship

  • App B1–App B9 Keyboard partitas and App B10 a Chaconne

MC C: Other keyboard works

  • C1–C2: Organ pastorellas

  • C3–C4: Organ masses (C3, Mass in C major, incomplete)

  • C5–C16: Organ preludes with a liturgical function

  • C17–C21: Individual fugues

  • C22–C72: Thirty-two Ricercars and nineteen canzonas

  • C73–C96: Twenty-four Toccatas and capriccios

  • (p.118) C97–C115: Individual preludial or improvisatory-style pieces

MC D: Chamber works

  • D1–D3: Keyboard concertos

  • D4: Sonata pastorale

  • D5: Salve Regina (authorship doubtful)

II. List of Sources and Contents197

Library and Shelfmark

Muffat Compendium (MC)

A-Gd Pfarre Bad Aussee, Ms.138


A-Gd Pfarre St. Lambrecht, Ms.24

B30b (B30b/V–VII=B30a/II–IV)

A-GÖ Ms. 4733

C5–17, C19–21, C28b, C50, C52, C55, C56b, C57b, C60–61, C72 (=A18/I.3)

A-Wgm VII 16254 (Q 11385)

C9–10, C19, C52, C72 (C72=A18/I.3)

A-Wm XIV 712

C22–72 (C72=A18/I.3)

A-Wm XIV 715

B30a/I, B30b/I, B33/I, B35/I, B36/I, B38/I, B41/I, B42/I, App B1/I, App B7/I, C73–114

A-Wm XIV 716

B38/I, C81/I, C109

A-Wm XIV 729

B30b/III, C22, C27

A-Wm XIV 730


A-Wm XIV 737


A-Wn Mus.hs.15935

B20 (B20/IV=B7/V, B20/V=A18/X, B20/VI=B25/V)

A-Wn Mus.hs.16933


A-Wn Mus.hs.18685

B4, B25 (B25/V=B20/VI), B33, B36, B41, App B2

A-Wn Mus.hs.18691

B6 (B6/VI=B11/VIIIa), B30a (B30a/II–IV=B30b/V–VII), App B10

A-Wn Mus.hs.18780

B28, B29, B30b (B30b/V–VII=B30a/II–IV), B38, B41, B42, App B1–9

A-Wn Mus.hs.19172



Transcription of J. J. Fux Suite in G Major (E70a)

D-B Mus.ms.6712

Transcription of works by J. J. Froberger

D-B Mus.ms.9160

Transcription of works by G. F. Handel

D-B Mus.ms.9160/1

Transcription of works by G. F. Handel

D-B Mus.ms.15780

B36/I, B41/I, App B1/I, C60–61, C64, C73/I, C74/I, C75/I, C79–80, C82–84, C85/I, C87, C88/I, C89/II, C90/II, C91, C92/I, C94/II, C95/II, C96/II, C98, C113

D-B Mus.ms.15781

C5–17, C19–21, C28b, C50, C52, C55, C56b, C57b, C60–61, C72 (=A18/I.3)

D-B Mus.ms.15783

C18, C21

D-B Mus.ms.15784/1

B11 (B6/I=B11/VIIIa)

D-B Mus.ms.15784/2


D-B Mus.ms.22477/2

G. C. Wagenseil Divertimento in D Major (according to Riedel copied by Muffat)

D-B Mus.ms.30112

C52, C60

D-B Mus.ms.30266


D-B Mus.ms. Bach P 247/IV

Transcription of J. J. Fux Partita in A Major (K 405)

D-B SA 2868


D-B SA 2869


D-B SA 2870


D-B SA 4531


D-B SA 4573


D-B SA 4574

B2 (B2/II–IV=A17/II–IVa)

D-B SA 4575


D-B SA 4576


D-B SA 4577

B5 (B5/II=B14/Va)

D-B SA 4578

B6 (B6/VI=B11/VIIIa)

D-B SA 4579

B17–19 (B19/VIII=B24/X)

D-B SA 4580

B21, B27, B31, B37

D-B SA 4581

Transcription of works by Georg Muffat

D-B SA 4582


D-B SA 4583


D-B SA 4584


D-B SA 4585

B7 (B7/V=B20/IV)

D-B SA 4586


D-B SA 4587


D-B SA 4588


D-B SA 4589

B11 (B11/VIIIa=B6/VI)

D-B SA 4590

B12 (B12/II=B26/VIII)

D-B SA 4591


D-B SA 4592

B14 (B14/Va=B5/II)

D-B SA 4593


D-B SA 4594


D-B SA 4595


D-BEU Mus.ms.30

B23, B39

D-BEU Mus.ms.82


D-Mbs Mus.mss.5472

B26 (B26/VIII=B12/II)

D-Mbs Mus.mss.5474


D-Mbs Mus.mss.5475

B24 (B24/X=B19/VIII)

D-Mbs Mus.mss.5476

B32a (B32a/V=B32b/VI, B32a/VI=B32b/VII, B32a/VII=B32b/IV, B32a/VIII=B32b/VIII, B32a/IX=B32b/V)

H-Bn Ms.mus.749

B32a/I, B35/II, C78

H-Bn Ms.mus.753

B32b (B32b/IV=B32a/VII, B32b/V=B32a/IX, B32b/VI=B32a/V, B32b/VII=B32a/VI, B32b/VIII=B32a/VIII), C18–19, C60, C95/I, C105, C101b, C112b

US-NYp Drexel 3276

C22–24, C28b, C58, C65, C66



(1.) In spite of numerous articles and several theses dedicated to Muffat, what is commonly known about him is restricted to the brief entries found in reference works. See Susan Wollenberg, “Muffat, Gottlieb,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, accessed 1 October 2007, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/19295; Friedrich W. Riedel, “Muffat, Gottlieb,” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1st ed., vol. 9, cols. 919–24; and Markus Grassl, “Muffat, Gottlieb,” in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2d ed., Personenteil, vol. 12, cols. 775–79.

(2.) This article provides a synthesis of the findings of an investigation that focused on systematically documenting the lives of members of the Muffat family living in Vienna in the eighteenth century. See Alison J. Dunlop, The Life and Works of Gottlieb Muffat (Vienna: Hollitzer Wissenschaftsverlag, forthcoming 2013).

(3.) Georg Muffat’s life and works have been more thoroughly, although not exhaustively, investigated. This is probably owing to the several detailed autobiographical prefaces to his printed editions, which have greatly facilitated research. Markus Eberhardt’s recent summation of over a century of research serves as the basis for much of Markus Eberhardt, “Georg Muffat und seine Zeit,” in Georg Muffat: Ein reichsfürstlicher Kapellmeister zwischen den Zeiten, ed. Heinz-Walter Schmitz (Passau: Stutz, 2006), 9–69.

(4.) Hellmut Federhofer, in his article on Muffat in the first edition of Musik und Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1st ed., vol. 9, cols. 915–19; Markus Grassl, “Muffat, Gottlieb,” in Musik und Geschichte und Gegenwart, 2d ed., Personenteil, vol. 12, cols. 775–79. Grassl writes that this information was found in the estate of an “Archivrat von Muffat” in Munich, probably referring to Karl August Muffat; Siegbert Rampe, in his more recent article (2d ed.), however, writes that this information came from the estate of Georg Muffat’s son Sigmund Friedrich (allegedly working in Munich). I have not yet been able to consult these sources.

(5.) Martin Vogeleis, Quellen und Bausteine zu einer Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters im Elsaß 500–1800 (Strasbourg: F. X. Le Roux and Co., 1911), 530.

(6.) The baptism record is transcribed in Eberhardt, “Georg Muffat und seine Zeit,” 11.

(7.) Jean-Pierre Muffat, Count of Saint-Amour (b. 16 October 1662 in Megève, d. 16 May 1734 in San Benedetto, Mantua) was by 1699 in the Kürassierregiment of Georg von Hessen-Darmstadt and progressed quickly through the ranks—by 1711 he was in charge of his own regiment. He distinguished himself in many important campaigns and was bestowed the title of count in 1719 by the Duke of Savoy (also King of Sardinia) and appointed field-marshall-lieutenant in 1729 and royal governor of Pavia in 1731 by Karl VI. Two of his younger brothers, Jean-Nicolas and Jean-Baptiste, also served in a dragoon regiment, and two of his nephews in the imperial army. Within one generation, this branch of the Muffat family had risen from a middle-class family to one of the richest noble families in the Duchy of Savoy. See Franziska Raynaud, Savoyische Einwanderungen in Deutschland (15. bis 19. Jahrhundert) (Neustadt an der Aisch: Degener and Co., 2001), 52–53.

(8.) “Unter dem berühmtesten Johann Baptist Lully, damahls zu Pariß blüenden Art habe ich durch sechs Jahr, nebst andern Music-Studien embsig nachgetrachtet. …”

(10.) See Adolf Layer, “Georg Muffats Ausbildungsjahre bei den Jesuiten,” Die Musikforschung 15 (1962): 49.

(11.) The original Latin is found translated into German by Franz August Goehlinger, “Georg Muffat (1653–1704): Ein Gedenkblatt zur 250. Wiederkehr seines Todestages,” Zeitschrift für Kirchenmusik 74 (1954): 195.

(12.) Registers of the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität Ingolstadt-Landshut-München, vol. 2, col. 1024.

(13.) “Als ich auß Franckreich zuruck kame ins Elsas, und da ich von dannen durch den vorigen Krieg vertrieben worden, vielleicht der erste in Oesterreich und Böhmen, nachmals auf Saltzburg und Passau gebracht.”

(14.) Karl Batz, “Zwei Meister des musikalischen Barock im Umfeld der Universität zu Ingolstadt: Johann Joseph Fux und Georg Muffat,” Ingolstädter Heimatblätter 43 (1980): 22.

(15.) Muffat’s daughter Maria Anna wrote in 1721 that her father (who died in 1704) had been in the service of the Harrach family for thirty years (Landesarchiv Salzburg, Hofkammer Generaleinnehmer. Hofzahlamt 1721–22 Lit. G, n.p., 20 and 24 July 1721).

(16.) Zámecká knihovna, Kroměříž: B IV 118 A 562, facsimile ed.: Georg Muffat, Sonata violin solo, ed. Jiří Sehnal (Bad Reichenhall: Comes, 1992).

(17.) National Széchényi Library, Music Division, Budapest: Ms.mus.IV.521. Partial facsimile in Ernst Hintermaier, “‘Es kundt im Himmel nit scheener oder lustiger sein’ Musikpflege und mehrchöriges Musizieren am Salzburger Dom im 17. Jahrhundert,” in Salzburger Musikgeschichte vom Mittelalter bis ins 21. Jahrhundert, ed. Ernst Hintermaier, Jürg Stenzl, and Gerhard Walterskirchen (Salzburg: Verlag Anton Pustet, 2005), 139–64.

(18.) Georg Muffat, Armonico tributo 1682: Sechs Concerti grossi 1701, ed. Erich Schenk (Vienna: Universal Edition, 1953), vii.

(19.) See appendix 1.

(20.) Herbert Seifert, “Biographisches zu Georg Muffat,” Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 3.4 (2004): 19.

(21.) See the preface to Georg Muffat’s Armonico Tributo (Salzburg, 1682) and Eberhardt, “Georg Muffat und seine Zeit,” 21.

(22.) The discovery of an earlier version of the first toccata would suggest that there may have been earlier versions of all works found in the printed edition. See Craig A. Monson, “Eine neuentdeckte Fassung einer Toccata von Muffat,” Die Musikforschung 25 (1972): 465–71. Printed copies of the Apparatus were also sold before 1709 by his son Franz Georg Gottfried. I have not consulted these sources and so it cannot be ascertained whether or not this is identical to the Salzburg edition (engraved by Johann Baptist Mayr). It was also reissued with a German preface and corrections by Muffat’s heirs, printed and advertised by Johann Peter van Ghelen in Vienna around 1726. A copy of the 1690 edition once belonging to Georg Muffat, which has seemingly remained unknown to editors of this work, is found in the music archive of the Benedictine monastery at Göttweig: 1272. I am grateful to Professor Friedrich W. Riedel for allowing me to consult this source and for his help during my visit. It came to Göttweig through the estate of Aloys Fuchs (signed and dated by Fuchs “Vienna, 1849”) and bears the following inscription at the end of the preface: “P. S. Cùm post humillimè a me oblatum, Clementissimè autem a S. C. Maiestate exceptum Augustæ Vindelicorum hoc opus, mihi reduci ad obeundum in posterùm Capellæ-Magistri officium Salisburgo Passavium Domicilium meum transferendum fuerit; Huius loci mutationis Benevolum Sectorem hisce monere volui, quatenùs Sciat, quò de incepo litteræ ad me dirigendæ sint.” A previously unknown version printed in Passau (which uses the musical plates of the Salzburg edition) is also found in the archive of the Berlin Sing-Akademie: SA 4736. The title page bears the additional inscriptions “nunc Passavij Capellæ-Magistro” and “PASSAVIJ Apud Authorem, | Ex SALISBURGI apud JOANNEM BAPT. MAYR, Typogr. Aulico-Academ. | ANNO M. DC. XC.” (the preface also contains a printed note about Georg’s transfer to Passau similar to that found in the Göttweig copy).

(23.) See the correspondence between Johann Philipp von Lamberg and his cousin, Johann Friedrich Ignaz von Preysing, cited in Eberhardt, “Georg Muffat und seine Zeit,” 36.

(24.) From Johann Philipp von Lamberg’s letter of 15 March 1690, we know that Muffat had not yet arrived in Passau (ibid.). The family most likely arrived before Easter (26 March), but the latest possible date is determined by Gottlieb’s baptism on 25 April.

(25.) Facsimiles of lists of music copied in Passau by Johann Friedrich Fickh (15 November 1691) and Johann Benedikt Amendt (January 1695-July 1696) can be found in Schmitz, Georg Muffat, 71–77. As well as works by Biber, these lists include works by J. C. Kerll (1627–93), Melchior d’Ardespin (ca. 1643–1717), and Georg Muffat.

(26.) Ferdinand Bonaventura was a powerful diplomat and close friend of Emperor Leopold I. At the height of his career in 1699 he was appointed Obersthofmeister.

(27.) The letter (in French), dated Salzburg, 26 April 1685, is transcribed and discussed in Seifert, “Biographisches zu Georg Muffat.”

(28.) Lamberg’s father, Johann Maximilian (1608–82), had been Obersthofmeister, and he himself simultaneously held important offices in Vienna.

(29.) The title “Maggio domo de Paggi” is found on the title page of the drama Il Volo Perpetuo della Fama Verace. See Getraut Haberkamp, “Ein neu aufgefundener Text zu einer Huldigungskomposition von Georg Muffat (1653–1704),” in Festschrift für Horst Leuchtmann zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Stephan Hörner und Bernhold Schmid (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1993), 207–51. The daily regime of Edelknaben at the Viennese imperial court is outlined in Martin Scheutz and Jakob Wührer, “Dienst, Pflicht, Ordnung und ‘Gute Policey’: Instruktionsbücher am Wiener Hof im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert,” in Der Wiener Hof im Spiegel der Zeremonial-Protokolle (1652—1800), Eine Annäherung, ed. Irmgard Pangerl, Martin Scheutz and Thomas Winkelbauer (Innsbruck: Studien Verlag, 2007), 15–228.

(31.) For discussion of Georg Muffat’s conflicts with other musicians and criticism about him, see Heinz-Walter Schmitz, Passauer Musikgeschichte: Die Kirchenmusik zur Zeit der Fürstbischöfe und in den Klöstern St. Nikola, Vornbach und Fürstenzell (Passau: Karl Stutz, 1999), 169–72.

(32.) The occupation lasted from 11 January to 13 August 1704. Bistum, Archiv, Passau: Pfarrbücher Passau St. Stephan, vol. 17, 146.

(34.) Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 27, 175r; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Bahrleihbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1721–22, 36r.

(35.) The house at Residenzplatz 1 (formerly number 38) was normally the home of the Edelpagenhof-meister, an office that Georg Muffat held from his arrival in Passau. A memorial plaque was erected on 24 July 2007 claiming this building as the Muffat family home.

(36.) Bistum, Archiv, Passau: Pfarrbücher Passau St. Stephan, vol. 3, 213. Count Liebgott von Kuefstein, a Passau Hofmarschall, was the co-dedicatee, and likely patron, of Georg Muffat’s Florilegium Secundum (Passau, 1698). He was married to the niece of Bishop Johann Philipp von Lamberg, Countess Charlotte Antonia. For further biographical information see Georg Muffat, Florilegium Primum für Streichinstrumente, ed. Heinrich Rietsch (Vienna: Artaria, 1894), vii.

(37.) Confusion over his first name often arises due to the large number of variants found in the literature. In primary sources alone, for example, we encounter Amadeus, Gottlieb, Liebgott, Teoffilo, Théophile, and Theophilus. Gottlieb is also referred to as “Franz” in some early Obersthofmeisteramt documents, probably erroneously, as his older brother Franz Georg Gottfried was employed as a musician at the imperial court at the same time, and once also as “Ernst,” confused with his brother the violinist Johann Ernst, “Godfried” in his marriage record, “Georgius Theophilus” in his son Ignatius’s baptism record, and as “Gottlieb Joseph” in a letter about his duties as guardian. He is also called “Gottlieb August” (or the reverse) in some nineteenth-century literature; to my knowledge, however, this second Christian name is not found in any contemporary documents. This is probably the result of confusion with the eminent nineteenth-century historian and archivist Karl August Muffat (1804–78). Further research is needed to establish if he was related to this branch of the family. Variants of the surname also occur in eighteenth-century sources, and occasionally in mid- to late eighteenth-century sources one also finds members of the family addressed as “von Muffat.” Although he was christened Liebgott, throughout this study he will be referred to as Gottlieb, the form used by the composer when signing his name. Other family members are referred to by the form of their name most commonly used in primary sources. Where no or few documents pertaining to an individual are known, the German form of their Christian name(s) is used (as opposed to the Latin normally found in baptismal records). As numerous members of the Muffat family are discussed, to avoid any confusion I will refer to each person primarily by their first name(s).

(38.) Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Munich: Passau HL 1181, 111r.

(39.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 6, 495v–497r.

(40.) According to Ludwig Ritter von Köchel, Die kaiserliche Hof-Musikkapelle in Wien von 1543 bis 1867 (1869; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1976).

(41.) As well as being responsible for the education of his own children, Georg Muffat’s pupils included Rosa Angela von Harrach and the Salzburg organist Johann Baptist Samber (1654–1711), who wrote the important organ treatise Continuatio ad manductionem organicam (Salzburg, 1704 and 1707). See Hellmut Federhofer, “Ein Salzburger Theoretikerkreis,” Acta Musicologica 36.2–3 (April–September 1964): 50–79.

(42.) In an auction that took place at Gottlieb’s home in 1763, a viola d’amore was among the instruments offered for sale. Wienerisches Diarium, 8 October 1763 (also 12 and 15 October 1763).

(43.) We know from several documents that Fux was Gottlieb Muffat’s teacher. The earliest of these is an ordinance in the Hofkontrolloramt documents (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: HWA SR 3), dated 6 November 1706, which describes Fux as a musician and organist.

(44.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 6, 638v.

(45.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 7, 215r–225r.

(46.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 15, 705r–706v.

(47.) “[S]o könte Mann doch sich hierunter mit des Capell Meisters in favorem des Ioannis Ernesti Muffat oben Sub. G. befindlichen vielleicht propter merita seines brudern, des organisten Gottlieb Muffats also geäußertem voto nicht conformiren” (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 11, 679v, 685r–686v).

(48.) See Friedrich W. Riedel, “Der Einfluss der italienischen Klaviermusik des 17. Jahrhunderts auf die Entwicklung der Musik für Tasteninstrumente in Deutschland während der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts,” in Studien zur italienisch-deutschen Musikgeschichte 5, ed. Friedrich Lippmann (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1968), 18–33.

(49.) Gottlieb Muffat’s estate documents are listed in the index Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMaA 730, but are no longer extant.

(50.) This item was advertised for sale in 2007. According to the seller Jeffrey D. Mancevice, it was purchased from a German auction a few years earlier, and he knew nothing else of its provenance. It was described as having an “early flexible marbled paper-covered boards” cover (personal correspondence, 19 November 2007). Its present owner is unknown.

(51.) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.9160.

(52.) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.6172 (containing works by Froberger) was, according to one former owner, Aloys Fuchs, one of a considerable number of manuscripts of “old” organ compositions to have come from Muffat’s estate.

(53.) Benediktinerstift, Musikarchiv, Göttweig: Ms. 4722 (anonymous keyboard works, Kerll and Techelmann) also dates from the early eighteenth century and according to Fuchs also came from Muffat’s estate. See Aloys Fuchs’s catalogs Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.theor.kat.309; Mus.ms.theor. kat.311; and Mus.ms.theor.kat.559. A detailed history of these sources is discussed in Dunlop, Life and Works of Gottlieb Muffat.

(54.) Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna: Mus.hs.16550, and Benediktinerstift, Musikarchiv, Göttweig: Ms.4679. This manuscript (100 folios, width ca. 30 x height ca. 24 cm) was once in the possession of Aloys Fuchs and is signed and dated 1837 (on fol. 1r). According to an annotation on the manuscript by Riedel, there was once an example of Gottlieb Muffat’s handwriting pasted inside this volume, which was unfortunately destroyed when the manuscript was rebound in 1962. It also includes an earlier (eighteenth-century?) engraving (unsigned) depicting two women with musical instruments and music (one crowned and bearing a scepter) below a shield with the motto “Pietate et Magnanimitate.” In the background is the city of Florence.

(55.) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.9160.

(56.) Manuscript copy in Minoritenkonvent, Klosterbibliothek und Archiv, Vienna: I H. Shelfmarks for this archive follow those in Friedrich W. Riedel, Das Musikarchiv im Minoritenkonvent zu Wien (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1963). Modern facsimile/critical edition: Georg Muffat, Regulae Concentuum Partiturae, ed. Bettina Hoffman and Stefano Lorenzetti (Bologna: Bardi Editore, 1991). Also edited in Georg Muffat, An Essay on Thoroughbass, ed. Hellmut Federhofer (Tübingen: American Institute of Musicology, 1961).

(57.) Manuscript copy in Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.6712. See Federhofer, “Ein Salzburger Theoretikerkreis.”

(58.) Only transmitted in a posthumous manuscript copy in the Benediktinenstift Nonnberg, Salzburg. Modern edition: Regulae Fundamentales. Eine posthume Generalbasslehre, ed. Karl Friedrich Wagner (Passau: Musica Sacra Passaviensis, 2005), and discussed by the editor in its historical context in “Die Regulæ Concentuum Partituræ von Georg Muffat im Kontext der Generalbass-Traktate des 17. Jahrhunderts,” in Georg Muffat: Ein reichsfürstlicher Kapellmeister zwischen den Zeiten, ed. Heinz-Walter Schmitz (Passau: Karl Stutz, 2006), 81–167.

(59.) Giessel was born on 18 or 19 March 1694 and took his vows on 1 November 1713 in Troppau (Opava) in Silesia and on 17 September 1717 was ordained as a priest. He studied philosophy in Wels and then theology in Vienna and was also an organist and bassist. In 1721, he acquired the title of Master of Theology; in 1723, he was appointed novice master; in 1726, choir master in the Church zum Heiligen Kreuz; and by 1729 he was known as an exceptional authority “in musicalibus.” His diverse library demonstrates that he was a man of universal tastes, and not only was he a practicing musician and collector but also a composer. Most of his extant works were composed in the decade between 1720 and 1730 (four Masses, one Salve Regina, and other smaller sacred works). Giessel turned blind and deaf two years before his death in the Minoriten closter zum Heiligen Kreuz in Vienna on 12 June 1766. See Friedrich W. Riedel, “Die Wiener Minoriten und ihre Musikpflege,” in Musik und Geschichte: Gesammelte Aufsätze und Vorträge zur musikalischen Landeskunde, Studien zur Landes- und Sozialgeschichte der Musik 10 (Munich: Emil Katzbichler, 1989), 100–106. We know of Muffat and Giessel’s friendship from Giessel’s copy of the Componimeni Musicali on Minoritenkon-vent, Klosterbibliothek, und Archiv, Vienna: XIV 692, which bears the inscription “Ad usum P[at]ris Alexandri Giessel Ord: Min: S: Franc: Conventual: Hoc opus mihi oblatum est, ab ipso Virtuosissimo D[om]ino Authore, meo charissimo amico et Patrono. A[nn]o 1739 die 1 Augusti” (Belonging to father Alexandri Giessel Ord: Min: S: Franc: Conventual: This work was presented to me by the most virtuous master and author himself, my dearest friend and patron. 1 August 1739). Giessel may also have been a pupil of Fux. See Friedrich W. Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beiträge zur Geschichte der Musik für Tasteninstrumente in der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts (vornehmlich in Deutschland) (Munich: Musikverlag Emil Katzbichler, 1990), 89.

(60.) Minoritenkonvent, Klosterbibliothek und Archiv, Vienna: I C.

(61.) Minoritenkonvent, Klosterbibliothek und Archiv, Vienna: I D.

(62.) Minoritenkonvent, Klosterbibliothek und Archiv, Vienna: I M.

(64.) Nothing is known about Prustmann’s life. Several manuscripts of his works survive in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, one of which (Mus.hs.19007) bears the inscription “scolare del sig. capellae maestro Fux.”

(65.) Sächsische Landesbibliothek Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, Dresden: Mus.1-B.98.

(66.) The Libri Quatuor are partly autograph and date from the years 1717 to 1719 (with the exception of a later insert [1728] into Liber III). Other copyists have been identified as Philipp Troyer (ca. 1689–1743) and possibly Angelo Ragazzi (ca. 1680–1750). Phillip Bernard Troyer was a violinist at the Polnische Capelle in Dresden from 1723, according to the Königl. Polnisches und Churfürstl. Sächsisches Hof-Buch von 1721 usq. 1725 (Staatsarchiv Dresden, Oberhofmarschallamt K II Nr. 6, 48). In this document he is listed as being thirty-six years old and from Weitra in Lower Austria. He served there until his death in 1743. I am very grateful to Dr. Szymon Paczkowski for very generously providing me with this information based on his own archival research and Alina Z˙órawska-Witkowska’s book Muzyka na dworze Augusta II w Warsawie (Warsaw: Zamek Królewski w Warszawie, 1997), 487 (personal correspondence, 30 May 2010). See also Friedrich W. Riedel, “Johann Joseph Fux und die römische Palestrina-Tradition,” Die Musikforschung 14.1 (1961): 14–22.

(67.) Minoritenkonvent, Klosterbibliothek und Archiv, Vienna: XII 600 and XII 601.

(68.) Minoritenkonvent, Klosterbibliothek und Archiv, Vienna: XII 675.

(69.) See Riedel, “Der Einfluss der italienischen Klaviermusik”; Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beiträge, 80–87; Susan Wollenberg, “Viennese Keyboard Music in the Reign of Karl VI (1712–40): Gottlieb Muffat and His Contemporaries” (Ph.D. diss., Oxford University, 1974), 8.

(70.) A list of family members is found in appendix 1. A detailed description of each member of the Muffat family can be found in Dunlop, Life and Works of Gottlieb Muffat.

(71.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 12, fol. 153 (also in Protokolle 6, fol. 240).

(72.) Ibid.

(73.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 7, 58v.

(74.) Bayrisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Munich: HL Passau 1177, 38v. See Eberhardt, “Georg Muffat und seine Zeit,” 50.

(75.) The court account books have not survived, and therefore the main sources employed for research on musicians serving at the court of Karl Philipp are church records. It is therefore impossible to ascertain Friedrich’s exact period of employment. See Walter Senn, Musik und Theater am Hof zu Innsbruck: Geschichte der Hofkapelle vom 15. Jahrhundert bis zu deren Auflösung im Jahre 1748 (Innsbruck: Österreichische Verlangsanstalt Innsbruck, 1954).

(76.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 7, 70v.

(77.) He is listed as Sigmund Muffat from 1715 to 1720 (he was possibly employed as early as 1711, but printed calendars do not survive for the years 1711–14) and then as Johann Ernst from 1721 to 1732.

(78.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 12, fol. 636, 642r–644r (also ÄR 26, unpaginated); OMeA Protokolle 12, fol. 649.

(79.) The probate documentation of a Johann Ludwig Muffat contains the signatures of several Savoyards (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Alte Ziviljustiz Verlassenschaftsabhandlungen 1674, Fasz. 19/27). There are also wills of Johann Baptist Muffat (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Alte Ziviljustiz Testamente 9386/1693; according to the Totenbeschauprotokoll he died 27 August 1693, aged thirty-five) and Claudia Francisca Muffat (née Bargin) (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Alte Ziviljustiz Testamente 8358/1680; according to the Totenbeschauprotokoll she died 8 September 1679, aged thirty-nine). In the eighteenth century, one also finds a number of Muffats in church and death records who did not appear to belong to the branch of the family in question.

(80.) St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Trauungsbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, November 1718-October 1720, Tom. 42, 183.

(81.) St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Taufbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 7 March 1699–22 May 1701, Tom. 48, 409.

(82.) A more detailed description of each child can be found in Dunlop, Life and Works of Gottlieb Muffat.

(83.) See Peter Csendes and Ferdinand Opll, eds., Wien: Geschichte einer Stadt, Die frühneuzeitliche Residenz (16. bis 18. Jahrhundert) (Vienna: Böhlau, 2003), 114. The cause of the premature deaths of both children is given in death records as Zahnfrais (convulsions due to teething): Franciscus Josephus Joannes Ignatius Felix was baptized on 25 June 1727 (St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Geburts- und Taufbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 17 August 1726–25 March 1728, Tom. 64, 236r) and died on 7 March 1728 (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 31, 280r; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Protocollum Mortuorum 1723–1733, Tom. 20, 396; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Bahrleihbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1728, 50v); Ignatius Josephus Vitalis Sigismundus was baptized on 28 April 1732 (St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Geburts- und Taufbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1 July 1730–31 August 1732, Tom. 66, 464v) and died on 18 March 1733 (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 36, 124r; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Protocollum Mortuorum, 1723–33, Tom. 20, 957; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Bahrleihbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1733, 74r). The godparents of all of Gottlieb’s children were Franz Joseph Hauer and/or his wife Maria Christina (née van Ghelen). Franz Joseph Hauer (b. ca. 1678, d. 5 May 1748 [according to the Totenbeschauprotokoll]) was mayor of Vienna from 1721–24, and 1727–28. In recognition of his father’s enormous financial contribution of fifty thousand Gulden toward the defense of Vienna during the second Turkish siege, Franz Joseph was knighted in 1733. His marriage to Maria Christine van Ghelen (b. ca. 1680, d. 18 July 1765 [according to the Totenbeschauprotokoll]) further strengthened his social position. See Felix Czeike, Historisches Lexikon Wien, vol. 3 (Vienna: Kremayr und Scheriau, 1994), 77.

(84.) St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Geburts- und Taufbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 14 November 1719–8 March 1721, Tom. 60, 206r.

(85.) St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Trauungsbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 12 July 1751–27 August 1752, 7r (initial application to marry); Vienna, Schottenpfarre, Hochzeit Protocoll, August 1748–1752, 179v.

(86.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 29 (unpaginated).

(87.) Notably, the report writer had suggested ten Gulden less per month, given Franz Joseph’s age (that is, he may, and indeed did, later decide not to pursue music, but based on the emperor’s recommendation, which mentions Gottlieb’s diligence, he received the full amount). Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 29 (unpaginated); also Protokolle 14, 14r–15v; Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 14, 91v–92r.

(88.) His name last appears crossed out in the Kayserlicher Hof- und Ehren-Calender of 1757 (copy in Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna, under various titles, printed 1692–1806 [incomplete series in HHStA 38/K2, ÖNB 393.866-A.Kat and HHStA 37/K 1]), which led scholars to believe that he had died in 1756 or 1757. It transpires, however, that Franz Joseph worked first simultaneously and later exclusively as a Lower Austrian Regime secretary; this is also the most likely explanation for his later reduction in pay.

(89.) The Totenbeschauprotokoll gives the date as 17 June with a question mark beside it; the Protocollum Mortuorum gives 19 June. Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 57, M 19r; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Protocollum Mortuorum, 1761–1764 Tom. 29, 155; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Bahrleihbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1763, 204v–205r.

(90.) St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Geburts- und Taufbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1 June 1735–30 August 1736, Tom. 69, 65v.

(91.) Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 61, M 7v; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Protocollum Mortuorum, 1765–68, Tom. 30, 138; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Bahrleihbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1767, fol. 53; Wienerisches Diarium, 11 March 1767.

(92.) St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Geburts- und Taufbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 16 October 1724–17 August 1726, Tom. 63, 165v.

(93.) A report of 7 March 1746 lists her as having been employed with three hundred Gulden and seventy Gulden extra allowances from 1 January 1746 (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 18, 234r).

(94.) According to her marriage record (St. Augustin, Pfarrarchiv, Vienna: Protocollum Copulatorum [ … ] 1749ff., 43–44).

(95.) According to a 1771 portrait (the only known surviving portrait of a close relative of Gottlieb Muffat [Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna: Bildarchiv PORT.00138381.01]), Jacob Joseph was born on 22 August 1713 in Traiskirchen, Lower Austria. He was the son of the violinist Ferdinand Woller (ca. 1687–1736), educated at the Benedictine Schottenstift in Vienna (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 26 [unpaginated]), and appointed violin scholar with the usual scholar’s provision of 360 Gulden on 11 December 1730. By all accounts he was a talented musician, and Fux testified that he had listened with amazement when hearing him play (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 26 [unpaginated]). He held the post of violinist at the imperial court until 1748 (in the Status of March 1741 he is listed as one of four “Violen” with a yearly salary of four hundred Gulden [Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 17, 46v–50v]). From 1748 he is referred to in Obersthofmeisteramt documents as a former violinist who is now a chamberlain (Cammerdiener) (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 19, 378v). Jacob Joseph was later captain of the imperial castle at Hetzendorf (from ca. 1754 until his death) and chamberlain to the Archduke Joseph (dates unknown); the 1771 portrait also describes him as an advisor to the emperor and a representative in the city senate; in the Totenbeschauprotokoll he is listed as an advisor to the Lower Austrian Regime and city attorney. Like Gottlieb Muffat, he was a member of the Musicalische Congregation and served ca. 1740 as one of the Visitatori degl’ Infermi (visitors to the sick). After his first wife’s death, Jacob Joseph Woller married Ernesta von Guttenberg on 7 October 1759 (St. Augustin, Pfarrarchiv, Vienna: Liber Copulatorum [ … ] 1756ff., 21). They had one son, baptized Franciscus Seraphicus Josephus Antonius (Franz) on 3 July 1760 (St. Augustin, Pfarrarchiv, Vienna: Liber Baptizatorum [ … ] 1756ff., 7–8.). Jacob Joseph Woller died from Brand (gangrene or inflammation) on 1 January 1777 (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 72 W 1r; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Protocollum Mortuorum January 1777-October 1780, Tom. 33, 3; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Bahrleihbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1777, 2v–3v; Wienerisches Diarium, 8 January 1777).

(96.) St. Augustin, Pfarrarchiv, Vienna: Protocollum Copulatorum [ … ] 1749ff., 43–44.

(97.) Maria Anna and Jacob Joseph had four children: Theresia Josepha Rosina Anna Magdalena (baptized on 13 January 1756 [St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Geburts und Taufbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, July 1754-January 1756, Tom. 81, 337v], died from Darmfrais (colic) on 18 January 1756 [Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 51, W 2r]); and Christina died with her mother shortly after her birth (baptized only by the midwife) from innerlicher Brand (internal gangrene or inflammation) in March 1759 (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 53, W 6r; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Protocollum Mortuorum, 1757–1760, 80v; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Bahrleihbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1759, 47v; Wienerisches Diarium, 21 March 1759). Their daughter, Maria Anna Aloysia Erasmus Expeditus Thecla Margaretha (Maria Anna), named after her godmother the Archduchess Maria Anna, was baptized on 26 December 1754 (St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Geburts und Taufbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, July 1754-January 1756, Tom. 81, 97v). All that is presently known about Maria Anna is that she was a chambermaid at the imperial court in Naples and was married and still living in 1809 (Steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz: Landrecht Verlässe, 7-5746/1809, suspense order, 18 November 1809). Their son was baptized Josephus Dominicus Antonius Judas Thadaeus Ignatius Franciscus Xaverius (Joseph Dominik) on 18 January 1758 (St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Geburts und Taufbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1 January 1758–29 December 1759, Tom. 83, 8v). He married Maria Anna Junker from Bozen in Tirol on 10 June 1785 (St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Trauungsbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 3 November 1782–22 November 1785, 302v–303r). Only one child from their marriage has been identified, Maria, who died from Wurmfieber (worm fever), aged three, on 18 October 1788. At some point he moved to Graz, where he is listed in probate documents as having been a “Registraturs-Adjunkt bei der Tabak- und Siegelgefälls-Adminstration” with a salary of 550 Gulden. He died in poverty, leaving enormous debts, on 17 November 1809. His status is given as “ledig” (single), although his wife was still alive, and his only relations are listed as a stepmother and brother (Franz, from his father’s second marriage) in Vienna and a sister whose whereabouts were unknown.

(98.) Viennese addresses of this period are characterized by Konskriptionsnummern, which changed in the years 1770, 1795, and 1821, and/or a house name (here the numbers are given in chronological order together with the modern address).

(99.) According to Harrer-Lucienfeld, the house was first mentioned in 1413 as the “Schönknechts” house, a name that was used until the middle of the century (Paul Harrer-Lucienfeld, Wien seine Häuser, Menschen, und Kultur, vol. 5 (Vienna: printed by author, 1951–58), 104. It received its name “Schönbrucker” from the Schonpruker family who resided there between 1450 and 1482. The house was purchased by Michael Eineder and his wife Walburga in 1672. It entered Michael Eineder’s sole possession in accordance with his wife’s will of 16 October 1682, and then in accordance with his will of 4 August 1714 fell into the possession of his second wife, Isabella Feliciana. She bequeathed it in her will of 17 November 1742 to her four daughters, Anna Elisabeth Kölbl, Maria Rosalia Muffat, Anna Maria Eineder, and Maria Sophia Muffat (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Alte Ziviljustiz Testamente 8499/1747, unpaginated). Anna Maria Eineder left her share of the house to her niece Maria Anna (Gottlieb Muffat’s daughter) in her will of 9 January 1757, which was later inherited by her husband Jacob Joseph Woller. Maria Sophia Muffat’s quarter fell to her husband Sigmund and then to his brother Gottlieb in 1761. Jacob Joseph Woller (now von Wollersfeld) signed over his quarter to his two still underage children in 1768, and it was later purchased by their stepmother Ernestina (née von Guttenberg) in 1777. Anna Elisabeth Kölbl bequeathed her quarter to the Gesellschaft Jesu (Society of Jesus), but after the dissolution of the society, this quarter came into the possession of the lower-Austrian Ex jesuitenfond, who later sold it to Maria Rosalia Muffat. Following Gottlieb’s death, half of the house became the sole possession of his wife Maria Rosalia, and after her passing the three quarters were inherited by her grandchildren. Joseph sold his share to Johann Georg Wagner on 24 October 1785, which was subsequently repurchased by Ernestina. Ernestina and Maria Anna sold their share of the house to the gold-and-silver broker (Drahtzieher) Joseph Schumann on 12 August 1796, who remodeled the house (land registers [ordered chronologically]: Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Grundbuch 1/17, 425r–426r; Grundbuch 1/20, 13r–14v; Grundbuch 1/21, 161r–162r; Grundbuch 1/21, 197v–198v; Grundbuch 1/21, 526r–527r; Grundbuch 1/22 256v–257r; Grundbuch 1/22 267r–268r; Grundbuch 1/23, 45r–46r; Grundbuch 1/23, 212v–213v; Grundbuch 1/24 179v–180v; Grundbuch 1/24, 293v–294r). The house was significantly altered again ca. 1895 for the department store Ludwig Zwieback and Bruder. The business was later inherited by Ludwig Zwieback’s daughter Ella Zirner-Zwieback (1878–1970), a talented pianist, but it was “aryanized” in 1938 under National Socialism and liquidized in January of the following year (“Fünfter Bericht des amtsführenden Stadtrates für Kultur und Wissenschaft über die gemäß dem Gemeinderatsbeschluss vom 29. April 1999 erfolgte Übereignung von Kunst- und Kulturgegenständen aus den Sammlungen der Museen der Stadt Wien sowie der Wiener Stadt- und Landesbibliothek,” 127–29. See http://www.wienbibliothek.at/dokumente/restitutionsbericht2004.pdf (accessed 22 November 2004). Like much of the city, the house suffered severe damage in the bombardment of Vienna in April 1945.

(100.) A Klafter is defined as the length between the outstretched arms of a man, traditionally six Fuß, normally considered to be 1.8965 m in Austria. See Joseph Schlessinger, Der Cataster Handbuch für Ämter, Architekten, Baumeister, Capitalisten, Hausbesitzer etc. über sämmtliche Häuser der k. k. Reichshauptund Residenzstadt Wien (Vienna: Joseph Schlessinger, 1875), 43.

(101.) Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Josephinische Steuerfassion, B34/4, 392v–395r. A detailed description of the Josephinische Steuerfassion can be found in Michael Lorenz, “Mozart’s Apartment on the Alsergrund,” http://homepage.univie.ac.at/michael.lorenz/alsergrund/#_edn11 (accessed 22 August 2010).

(102.) Advertised in the Wienerisches Diarium on 8 October 1763 (also 12 and 15 October 1763).

(103.) From an earlier tax book (Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Behauste Bücher, Kärntnerviertel 1751–75, 240v), we also obtain the following information about rental income and tax (in brackets): 1751: 2,124 Gulden (303 Gulden, 26 Kreuzer); 1752: 2,104 Gulden (300 Gulden, 34 Kreuzer); 1753: 2,084 Gulden (297 Gulden, 43 Kreuzer); 1754–55: 2,064 Gulden (294 Gulden, 51 Kreuzer); 1756–58: 2,074 Gulden (296 Gulden, 17 Kreuzer); 1759: 2,084 Gulden (297 Gulden, 43 Kreuzer); 1760–61: 2,085 Gulden (297 Gulden, 51 Kreuzer); 1762–64: 2,079 Gulden (297 Gulden); 1765: 2,104 Gulden (300 Gulden, 34 Kreuzer); 1766: 2,116 Gulden, 30 Kreuzer (302 Gulden, 21 Kreuzer); 1767: 2,226 Gulden (318 Gulden); 1768: 2,266 Gulden (323 Gulden, 43 Kreuzer); 1769–71: 2,316 Gulden (330 Gulden, 51 Kreuzer); 1772–75: 2,226 Gulden (318 Gulden).

(104.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 8, 663r, fol. 664 (also ÄR 15, unpaginated). The Kapellmeister’s recommendation was given orally and thus the reasons for the pay raise are undocumented in the Obersthofmeisteramt report.

(105.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 10, 29v—30r; OMeA Protokolle 10, 49v–50r.

(106.) Muffat’s pension must have been reduced at some point after his death, as in his wife Maria Rosalia’s probate documentation (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMaA 786, No. 23) she is listed as receiving an annual pension of four hundred Gulden.

(107.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 10, 29v–30r. Court expenditure and policy on music is discussed in Alison J. Dunlop, “Forgotten Musicians: Documenting Musical Life at the Viennese Imperial Court in the Eighteenth Century,” Musicologica Brunensia 47.1 (2012): 93–112.

(108.) “Es haltet der Ziani darfür daß dreÿ genug seÿndt, weillen der gewohnheit nach Sie wochen weiß, einer umb den anderen dienen. So auch beÿ denen anderen Instrumentisten der brauch seÿe.” Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 7, 215r–225r. Serving on an alternate basis is mentioned elsewhere, including OMeA Protokolle 10, 328r–332v and OMeA Protokolle 11, 646r–651v, where it is mentioned that the violinists are divided into three classes and only serve every three weeks.

(109.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 12, 490r–495v (also ÄR 26, unpaginated).

(110.) The sources of this information are the printed court calendars, for which copies from the years 1711–14 and 1741–42 do not exist. Gottlieb Muffat’s starting date can be confirmed from petition letters. For a list of musicians serving at the court of Amalie Wilhelmine, see Martin Eybl, “Die Kapelle der Kaiserinwitwe Elisabeth Christine (1741–1750): Besetzung, Stellung, am landesfürstlichen Hof und Hauptkopisten,” Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 45 (1996): 51–53.

(111.) The following list is given in Gerda Mraz, “Die Kaiserinnen aus dem Welfenhaus und ihr Einfluss auf das geistig-kulturelle Leben in Wien,” in Johann Joseph Fux und seine Zeit: Kultur, Kunst und Musik im Spätbarock, ed. Arnfried Edler and Friedrich W. Riedel (Laaber: Laaber, 1996), 88–89: Music director 800 Gulden; organist 600 Gulden; first tenor 400 Gulden; second tenor 350 Gulden; bass 350 Gulden; four violinists 1,300 Gulden; cellist 300 Gulden; violist 350 Gulden; two trombonists 600 Gulden; bassoonist 250 Gulden; horn player 200 Gulden; part distributor (Part-Austheiler) 150 Gulden; instrument servicer (Instrumentdiener) 300 Gulden; all ripienists, Calcant, and choirboys 2,100 Gulden. In the Oberstallmeisteramt of the dowager empress there were also two “musicalische Hoff-Tromppetter” who received 830 Gulden.

(112.) This explains several musicians’ temporary employment here, which sometimes overlapped with their employment at the imperial chapel. Eybl, “Die Kapelle der Kaiserinwitwe Elisabeth Christine,” 38.

(113.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 19, unpaginated.

(114.) “Producirung meiner wenigen musicalischen Composition.” Inexplicably, Muffat writes that as well as serving as organist proper for six years, he was a Hofscholar for four years; it is possible that the copyist of the letter simply misread the original.

(115.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 10, 49v–50r.

(116.) Gottlieb Muffat (900 Gulden), Anton Carl Richter (600 Gulden), Matthias Carl Reinhardt (400 Gulden), Wenzel Pirck (500 Gulden); Jubilati: Franz Rosowsky (400 Gulden) and Anton Werndle (400 Gulden) (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA SR 184/93, 1r–13r and 17r–20r).

(117.) Here it is stated that only two would be appointed after their deaths with annual salaries of seven hundred Gulden and five hundred Gulden, respectively.

(118.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA SR 184, 14r–17r.

(119.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: HMK 1, 12r–13v.

(120.) Little is known about Ferdinand (Franz Paul) Arbesser, except that (according to Köchel, Hofmusikkapelle) he served as court organist from 6 May 1772 until 1 December 1791. It has also been speculated that he served as Kapellmeister at Krumau (Český Krumlov) from 1747 to 1751. See Bruce Campbell MacIntyre, “The Viennese Concerted Mass of the Early Classic Period: History, Analysis, and Thematic Catalogue” (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1984), 159–61.

(121.) For more on the Musicalische Congregation and a possible connection to Bach’s B-minor Mass, see Michael Maul, “‘Die große catholische Messe’: Bach, Graf Questenberg, und die ‘Musicalische Congregation’ in Wien,” BJ 95 (2009): 153–76.

(122.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 15, 705r–706v.

(123.) The coronation trip to is discussed in detail in Alison J. Dunlop, “Music and Musicians at the Pressburg Coronation of Maria Theresia (1741),” Musicologica Slovaca 3.29 (2012): 5–44.

(124.) See Friedrich W. Riedel, “Aloys Fuchs als Sammler Bachscher Werke,” BJ 47 (1961): 90, n.44; and Friedrich W. Riedel, “Musikgeschichtliche Beziehungen zwischen Johann Joseph Fux und Johann Sebastian Bach,” in Festschrift für Friedrich Blume zum 70 Geburtstag, ed. Anna Amalie Abert and Wilhelm Pfannkuch (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1963): 292.

(125.) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.30112. This manuscript contains only two pieces by Muffat (MC C52 and C62).

(126.) Amendments made by one former owner Aloys Fuchs (1799–1853) had falsely led some scholars to believe that the manuscript dates from the nineteenth century (see NBA KB V/9.2, 179–180). Although there are remarks by Fuchs that several works have been copied from organ journals (see also Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.theor.kat.309) and that the final piece by Monn was “Copiert von meiner Orig. Handschrift des berühmtes G. Albrechstberger—welcher der Schüler des Monn war; von Aloys Fuchs 5/6/1848,” there are no notes about the provenance of the original manuscript.

(127.) D-Hs ND VI 3209.

(128.) According to Peter Wollny (NBA KB V/9.1, 91), the date given in Johann Anton Graf’s annotation on D-Hs ND VI 3209 was 1738 (this is not visible in the microfilm reproduction). On D-BEU Mus. ms.82 (a direct copy of D-Hs ND VI 3209), however, the date is given as 1730.

(129.) See Ernst Hintermaier, “Das Orgelbüchlein des Mattseer Stiftsorganisten Johann Anton Graf aus dem Jahre 1738,” in Bach in Salzburg: Festschrift zum 25-jährigen Bestehen der Salzburger Bachgesellschaft (Salzburg: Tauriska-Verlag, 2002), 84–99.

(130.) D-BEU Mus.ms.82. It is not known how the manuscript came to Beuron. The title page bears the signature of Adolf Auberlen, who was a priest in Hassfelden (Baden-Württemberg) from 1878 to 1899. Reinmar Emans gives 1876 as Auberlen’s date of appointment (NBA KB IV/10, 312), whereas the church records online (www.hassfelden.de/html/kirchenchronik.html [accessed 1 September 2009]) give 1878. It is known that Auberlen acquired or at least consulted manuscripts from the Erfurt organist August Gottfried Ritter’s (1811–85) estate (a manuscript copy of Ach Herr, mich armen Sünder (BWV deest [Emans no. 16] D-Bim Mus.ms. Pachelbel 1 in Ritter’s hand was later acquired by Max Seiffert [1868–1948] from Auberlen’s estate. See NBA KB IV/10, 312), a large part of which came to Beuron, although Ritter does not list these works in his thematic catalog ([Katalog der Orgelkompositionen] D-BEU Mus.ms.159). The original Hamburg manuscript was believed to have been lost during the Second World War after the holdings of the library had been evacuated to Schloss Lauenstein (Erzgebirge) and taken as trophy of war by the Red army. It was subsequently recovered in the Soviet Union and returned in 1991 to Hamburg. See the Göttingen Bach Catalog, http://gwdu64.gwdg.de/pls/bach/qu$quellen.QueryViewByKey?P_QSL=dhsndvi3209&Z_CHK=59609 (accessed 1 September 2009).

(131.) The following two manuscripts are listed in the auction catalog of Jahn’s estate (Otto Jahn’s Musikalische Bibliothek und Musikalien-Sammlung. Bonn. 1870 [ … ]): “No. 2376 Muffat, G. Missa in F. u. C. Orgelstimme. A. A. [alter Abschrift] Fol. Hl [Halbleinwandband] | No. 2377 Muffat, G. 12 Toccaten—12 Fugen. In demselben Bande: Neumüller, Partien, Eberlin, Fugen, Froberger, Tocc. und Fugen. Murschhausen, Intonat., Kerl, Canzoni, A. A. Querf. Hl.” These items were sold at auction on 7 April 1870. At present one can also only speculate about where Jahn acquired these manuscripts. It is most likely that he collected them on one of his research trips to Vienna or Salzburg in 1852 or 1853, or from a collector friend in Vienna, such as Ludwig Ritter von Köchel (1800–77), Carl Ferdinand Pohl (1819–87), or Leopold von Sonnleithner (1797–1873) (these three are named in the auction catalog of Jahn’s estate, pp. iii–iv).

(132.) According to a note on the cover of D-BEU Mus.ms.82, both manuscripts were (at the time of copying) in Friedrich Chrysander’s possession, which allows us to date the Beuron copy quite precisely to between 1870 and 1875 (Chrysander’s collection was sold to the then Stadtbibliothek Hamburg in 1875).

(133.) D-BEU Mus.ms.30 contains keyboard music attributed to Gottlieb Muffat (MC B23, B39), August Büx (Pix), Johann Ernst Eberlin, Johann Anton Kobrich, Johann Caspar Simon, and Adolf Hasse, as well as several anonymous pieces. It probably dates from the mid-eighteenth century and cannot predate 1746, which is given as the date of compositions by August Büx (Pix) on 24v and 73v. The manuscript was later in the possession of the avid collector and editor of early music Ernst von Werra. Werra, born on 11 February 1854 in Leuk (Switzerland), from 1890 was organist and music director at Constance cathedral. See Hugo Riemann, Geschichte der Musik seit Beethoven (1800–1900) (Berlin: Verlag von W. Spemann, 1901), 661.

(134.) The only reference to this work is in a supplement to Eitner’s catalog: “Suite compose pour le Luth par S. Leop. Weiß. Transposée sur le clavecin par Theophile Muffat s. Weiß, Sylvius Leopold. 2, 554.” Max Schneider, Hermann Springer, and Werner Wolffheim, eds., Micellanea Musicae Biobibliographica: Musikgeschichtliches Quellennachweise als Nachträge und Verbesserungen zu Eitners Quellenlexikon, vol. 2 (Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1913–14), 43.

(135.) Receipts for tuition survive for the year 1724 (Moravský zemský archív v Brně, F 460, Karton 2426, Nr. 9734, 161r, 164r, 165r, 166v; Moravský zemský archív v Brně, F 460, Karton 2429, Nr. 9744, 45r). On connections between Bach and Questenberg, see Maul, “‘Die große catholische Messe.’”

(136.) See Bernd Baselt, “Muffat and Handel: A Two-Way Exchange,” Musical Times 120.1641 (November 1979): 904–7; Joseph Bennet, “Handel and Muffat,” Musical Times and Singing Class Circular 26.625 (March 1895): 149–52; Christopher Hogwood, “Handel Improv’d: Keyboard Suites and Fugues mises dans uns autre applicature by Gottlieb Muffat,” in “True to Life”: Händel, der Klassiker, ed. Ute Jung-Kaiser and Matthias Kruse (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 2009), 211–27; Roland Jackson, “Aesthetic Considerations in Regard to Handel’s Borrowings,” in Alte Musik als ästhetische Gegenwart: Bach Händel Schütz, Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongreß Stuttgart 1985 (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1987), 1–11; Susan Wollenberg, “Handel and Gottlieb Muffat: A Newly Discovered Borrowing,” Musical Times 113.1551 (May 1972): 448–49. The only piece of evidence we currently possess that might suggest Muffat and Handel were in contact is the manuscript A-Wm XIV 712, which belonged to Muffat’s friend P. Alexander Giessel (see n.74 above). A-Wm XIV 712 is in Giessel’s hand and contains thirty-two ricercars and nineteen canzonas (MC C22–72 (C72=A18/I.3)c) by Muffat as well as works by composers including Handel and Domenico Zipoli (1688–1726). There are no ascriptions to Muffat on A-Wm XIV 712, but its provenance and numerous concordances in other manuscripts strongly support his authorship. The date 1733 appears on folio 90v, but the works that follow are likely to have been copied in 1735 at the earliest, as they include Handel’s Six Fugues or Voluntarys (Op. 3), which were first published in this year. However, the possibility that this copy predates the published edition cannot be excluded, as Handel’s borrowings are so extensive that it would not be unreasonable to assume that there was a personal correspondence between the two composers. The most convincing evidence to support this theory is Handel’s use of a theme from a piece (MC C49) in A-Wm XIV 712, which was not published during Muffat’s lifetime and is known only in this source. Susan Wollenberg first drew attention to Handel’s usage of Ricercar 28 (MC C49) in his Concerto Op. 7, No. 2 (HWV 307) (completed 5 February 1743 and first published by Walsh in 1761). See Wollenberg, “Handel and Gottlieb Muffat.” Given that the works by Muffat immediately precede works by Handel, Wollenberg suggests that this copy may have been sent to Handel and returned with copies of his own compositions as a form of reciprocity. It is also possible that Handel had access to another copy, such as the now-lost autograph.

(137.) Muffat manuscripts are known to have been in the possession of Johann Adam von Questenberg (in the Questenberg accounts under items to be bound is “Musikalien von Muffat,” which have not yet been identified [Moravský zemský archív v Brně, F 460, Karton 2429, Nr. 9744, 45r], and also a “Schlagbuch,” which presumably contained his own works [Moravský zemský archív v Brně, F 460, Karton 2426, Nr. 9734, 161r]), P. Alexander Giessel (1694–1766), P. Venantius Sstanteysky (Standeski) (1671–1729), P. Pantaleon Roškovský (1734–89), Johann Anton Graf, Johann Traeg (1747–1805), Johann Peter Lehmann ([?]–1772), and probably Baron Gottfried van Swieten (1733–1803).

(138.) Copies of the 72 Versetl (Vienna, 1726) are found in A-GÖ, A-KR, A-SE, A-Wgm, A-Wn, CHBU, CZ-Pnm, D-B, D-Dl, D-LEm, D-Mbs, D-Rp, F-Pmeyer, GB-Cfm, H-Bami, I-Gremondini, NL-DHgm, SK-BRu, and US-PHu; copies of the Componimenti Musicali are found in A-GÖ, A-Wgm, A-Wm, A-Wn, B-Bc, B-Br, CZ-Pnm, D-As, D-B, D-Bhm, D-Dl, D-Hs, D-LEm, D-Mbs, DK-Kk, F-C, F-Pmeyer, GB-Cfm, GB-Lbm, H-SG, NL-DHgm, NL-Uim, SF-A (now FIN-A), US-CA, US-R, US-Wc. This list based primarily on RISM A/I.

(139.) I am greatly indebted to Professor Friedrich W. Riedel for providing access to his handwritten catalog.

(140.) Gericke, Wiener Musikalienhandel, 11–12.

(141.) In addition, there are no music sellers’ catalogs available for the most part of the eighteenth century; consequently, this survey is largely based on the small quantities of music advertised in newspapers and a few extant booksellers’ catalogs. According to Gericke, 70 percent of advertised music (between 1700 and 1778) comes from the period 1770–78, in contrast with a meager 12 percent before 1750. Ibid., 133.

(142.) The first musical work to be advertised in the Wienerisches Diarium was Georg Muffat’s Apparatus Musico-Organisticus (1690, advertised in 1725, issue 68). The first musical theoretical work to be advertised by van Ghelen in the Wienerisches Diarium was Fux’s Gradus ad Parnassum (1725, issue 55). According to Gericke’s study, most of the repertoire available in Vienna was composed by North Germans and relatively modern (i.e., most music is advertised within a few years of having been published). There are some notable exceptions, however, including works by Georg Muffat and Johann Speth. Most works claim to be in the “modern Italian style,” but there is at least one, Sorge’s suites “nach franz.[ösischer] Art,” that explicitly claims to imitate the French style (other titles of suite collections are in French, which would imply they were written in the French manner). The keyboard music advertised would have primarily appealed to a domestic audience and appears to have been directed more toward the amateur than the connoisseur. There are a number of galanteries, airs, and miscellanies intended for leisurely music-making (such as J. D. Leuthard’s Arien und Menu-etten auf das Clavier, welche gantz kurtz und leicht zum Zeit-Vertreib [ … ] (first advertised in 1746 for 21 Kreuzer); works that are promoted for their versatility (such as F. A. Maichelbeck’s collection of sonatas in the “modern Italian style”: Die auf dem Clavier spielende und das Gehör vergnügende Caecilia. Das ist: VIII Sonaten, so nach der jetzigen welschen Art, Regul- und Gehörmäßig ausgearbeitet, sowohl auf denen Kirchen- als Zimmerclavieren zu gebrauchen, und in unterschiedliche Gemüts- und Ohrenergötzende Stuck ausgetheilet seynd (first advertised in 1749 for 2 Gulden, 45 Kreuzer); pieces aimed specifically at the female market (such as J. J. Agrell’s sonatas Sonates pour le Clavecin accomp. de quelques petites Aires, Polonaises, et Menuettes, composés pour le Divertissement des Dames [first advertised in 1752 for 51 Kreuzer], and M. Scheuenstuhl’s compendium Die beschäftigte Muse Clio oder zum Vergnügen der Seele und Ohr eingerichtete 3 Galanterie-Suiten auf das Clavier, zum Dienst des musikliebenden Frauenzimmers verfertiget [first advertised in 1746 for 36 Kreuzer]); pedagogical works or pieces for beginners (such as C. P. E. Bach’s Kurze und leichte Clavierstücke mit veränderten Reprisen und beygefügter Fingersetzung für Anfänger [first advertised in 1769 for 45 Kreuzer]). These types of works are not, of course, representative of the entire Viennese market; however, future research orientated toward manuscript sources of keyboard music is required to allow us to draw any firm conclusions about the nature and cultivation of keyboard music in Vienna. To date, studies have concentrated primarily on Muffat’s predecessors (for example, Riedel, Quellenkundliche Beiträge), his teacher J. J. Fux (for example, Johann Joseph Fux, Werke für Tasteninstrumente, ed. Friedrich W. Riedel [Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1964; new edition forthcoming]), and Thomas Hochradner’s forthcoming thematic catalog, his successors (for example, Helga Scholz-Michelitsch, Georg Christoph Wagenseil Hofkomponist und Hofklaviermeister der Kaiserin Maria Theresia [Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1980]), and individual collections that house a large proportion of keyboard music dating from the first half of the century (for example, Riedel, Minoritenkonvent).

(143.) Kilian Reinhardt, Rubriche Generali [ … ] (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna: Mus. hs.1503); Andreas Ziss, Repertorium der von der Hofkapellmusik ausgeführten Kirchenmusik. Anno 1745 [ … ] (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna: Inv.I.Hofmusikkapelle.15.Mus).

(144.) Appendix 2 provides an overview of his compositional output.

(145.) The date of publication has been estimated at 1736 by Friedrich W. Riedel, based on a copy of David ludens ad arcam Dei: Hoc est Ariae simplices [ … ] Pars I in D-Mbs, which bears the dated owner’s mark “ad usum P. Udalrici à S. Georgio Carmelitae, 1736” and precedes the Componimenti Musicali in Leopold’s chronologically ordered catalog Catalogus der jenigen musicalische Wercke, so bey Johann Christian Leopold Kunst Verleger, um nachgesetzten äussersten Preiss in Kupfer gestochen zu haben seynd (communicated in a private discussion with Riedel, 19 February 2009). A similar means of deduction for the dating of works by Fischer is given in Friedrich W. Riedel, “Johann Caspar Ferdinand Fischers Kompositionen für Tasteninstrumente in ihrer Bedeutung für die Stilentwicklung am Wiener Hof,” in J. C. F. Fischer in seiner Zeit: Tagungsbericht Rastatt 1988, ed. Ludwig Finscher (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang), 49, n.6. Here Riedel speculates that the Componimenti Musicali may have been composed in celebration of the wedding of Maria Theresia and Franz Stephan. However, given that Franz Stephan is listed as “Gran Duca di Toscana” in the dedication (at least in the known extant copies), it is not possible that the work was printed before 1737, the year in which he acquired this title. It is is also unusual that advertisements for the Componimenti Musicali do not appear in the Wienerisches Diarium before 1739. Christopher Hogwood believes that the Componimenti were written in 1739, based on the assumption that the thirty-eight variations of the chaconne were intended to celebrate the thirty-eighth birthday of Karl VI’s niece Maria Amalia. Gottlieb Muffat, Componimenti Musicali (1739) for Harpsichord, ed. Christopher Hogwood (Bologna: UT Orpheus Edizioni, 2009), v.

(146.) “Wann ich werde versichert seyn, daß an diesem Werck ein Wohlgefallen gezeigt, und von denen Kunsterfahrnen solches gut geheissen werde, so habe keinen Anstand abermahl ein anders heraus zu geben, und dieses desto leichter, weil ich es schon meistentheils verfertiget habe.”

(148.) Masako Yamana, “Gottlieb Muffat: Beiträge zu Leben, Werk, und früher Wirkungs Geschichte” (Diplomarbeit, Universität Mozarteum Salzburg, 2002), 15.

(149.) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: SA 4582.

(150.) See n.135.

(151.) Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna: Autogr. 124/138-1 Han. Autogr.

(152.) Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg, Legende einiger Musikheiligen (1786; reprint, Leipzig: Peters, 1977), 60.

(153.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 11, 646r–651v.

(154.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 21 (unpaginated); also Protokolle 12, 105r–106r.

(155.) Carl (d. 19 October 1729), who lived in Vienna from ca. 1710; or Alexander (d. 19 November 1730), Hoftänzscholar from 1722 and Hoftänzer from 1726 to 1730. See Andrea Sommer-Mathis, Die Tänzer am Wiener Hofe im Spiegel der Obersthofmeisteramtsakten und Hofparteienprotokolle bis 1740, Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs, Ergänzungsband 11 (1992): 68–69, 76–77.

(156.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 29 (unpaginated); also Protokolle 14, 14r–15v.

(157.) According to John Kucaba and Bertil H. van Boer, “Wagenseil, Georg Christoph,” Grove Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/29767 (accessed 12 December 2007), Wagenseil instructed the archduchesses from 1749.

(158.) Wagenseil’s biographer Scholz-Michelitsch writes: “[Gottlieb Muffat] das Talent Wagenseils erkannte, ihm Klavierunterricht gab und den Weg zum k. k. Hofkomponisten Matteo Palotta und zum Hofkapellmeister Johann Joseph Fux ebnete” (Gottlieb Muffat recognized Wagenseil’s talent, gave him instruction on the keyboard and prepared the way for [his instruction with] the imperial court composer Matteo Palotta and Kapellmeister Johann Joseph Fux). Scholz-Michelitsch, Georg Christoph Wagenseil, 8.

(159.) “Sofern ein Lehrling diese meine, den besten Authorib, gemeine Applicatur deren Fingern nicht erlehrnet hätte: solle er sich der allerdings nüzlichen Mühe vorige abzugewöhnen diese zu ergreiffen, nicht gereuen lassen. Der Transpositionen habe mich stärcker gebraucht die Lehrnende zu versicheren: Die obere Linie seÿe der rechten- und die untere der lincken-Hand so eigen daß keine anderen einzugreiffen. … Damit die Stück mit mehr Geist und Zierde gespielet werden: habe die Manieren mit gewissen zu Ende durch Noten erklärte zeichen angedeutet.”

(160.) The ornamentation in Fux’s keyboard works can be explained by the fact that most contemporary manuscript copies bearing this system can be traced back to Muffat or his close circle.

(161.) For a detailed description of alterations made to his Handel transcriptions, see Hogwood, “Handel Improv’d.”

(162.) Manuscript copies in Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.9160 (possibly autograph) and a later eighteenth-century copy (Mus.ms.9160/1).

(163.) Manuscript copy in Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.6712. Muffat’s modifications to the musical text are discussed in Akira Ishii, “The Toccatas and Contrapuntal Keyboard Works of Johann Jacob Froberger: A Study of the Principal Sources” (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1999).

(164.) Incipits can be found in Dunlop, Life and Works of Gottlieb Muffat.

(165.) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: SA 4581. I am indebted to the staff of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin and the archive of the Berlin Sing-Akademie for their assistance during my visits there.

(166.) Minoritenkonvent, Klosterbibliothek und Archiv, Vienna: XIV 743: 119 folios (the first eight are missing; two modern numbering systems in pencil), width 28.5 x height 21.5 cm. No cover. Several unidentified copyists and paper types, possibly compiled from various manuscripts. 117v dated “7 Sept. [1]709.” See Riedel, Minoritenkonvent. The works ascribed to Georg Muffat in Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna: XIV 743 have been edited in Georg Muffat and Wolfgang Ebner, Sämtliche Werke für Clavier (Orgel), ed. Siegbert Rampe (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2003–4).

(167.) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ep.G.Poelchau.39.

(168.) “Wenn Sie sagen dass Sie für Z[elter]. grossen Respect haben, den Sie durch den Briefwechsel mit G.[Friedrich August Grasnick? (1798–1877)] haben kennen gelernt, so thut es mir leid Ihnen sagen zu mussen dass ich nicht Ihrer Meinung bin, denn er hat die Angelegenheiten unserer Bibliothek (der Singacademie) in einer solchen Verwirrung nachgelassen, dass die Vorsteherschaft noch lange die Wehen empfinden wird.”

(169.) Axel Fischer and Matthias Kornemann et al., eds., Das Archiv der Sing-Akademie zu Berlin: Katalog (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010).

(170.) Axel Fischer, “Gattungsvielfalt und Gattungsschwerpunkte im Archiv der Sing-Akademie zu Berlin,” in Das Archiv der Sing-Akademie zu Berlin. Katalog, ed. Axel Fischer, Matthias Kornemann, et al. (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010), 125–32.

(171.) Ibid., 129.

(172.) See Matthias Kornemann, “Zelters Archiv: Porträt eines Sammlers,” in Das Archiv der Sing-Akademie zu Berlin. Katalog, ed. Axel Fischer, Matthias Kornemann et al. (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010), 117–23.

(173.) See Peter Wollny, “Sara Levy and the Making of Musical Taste in Berlin,” Musical Quarterly 77.4 (1993): 651–88; Peter Wollny, “‘Ein förmlicher Sebastian und Philipp Emanuel Bach-Kultus’: Sary Levy, geb. Itzig, und ihr musikalischer Salon,” in Musik und Ästhetik im Berlin Moses Mendelssohns, ed. Anselm Gerhard (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1999), 217–55.

(174.) Catalog musikalisch-literarischer und praktischer Werke aus dem Nachlasse des Königliche Professors Dr. Zelter (Copy once belonging to Friedrich Welter, Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: N.mus.ms.theor.30). This was probably the first complete catalog of the collection. Subsequent catalogs were drawn up by Friedrich Welter (continuing the work of Max Schneider [Fischer, “Gattungsvielfalt,” 125–26]) in the early twentieth century (this catalog was lost during the Second World War), and another just before the restitution of the collection (unfortunately, this catalog is laden with errors due to the short time frame in which it was prepared).

(175.) “I.210” on Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: SA 4574, “I.213” on SA 4582, and “III.28” on SA 2869. A similar mark “III.40” also appears on Mus.ms.15783.

(176.) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: SA 4596.

(177.) Johann Jakob Froberger, Toccaten, Suiten, Lamenti: Die Handschrift SA 4450 der Sing-Akademie zu Berlin. Faksimile und Übertragung, ed. Peter Wollny (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2006), xvii.

(178.) Curt Sachs, Musikgeschichte der Stadt Berlin bis zum Jahre 1800: Stadtpfeifer, Kantoren und Organ-isten an den Kirchen städtischen Patronats nebst Beiträgen zur allgemeinen Musikgeschichte Berlins (1908; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1980), accessed March 18, 2013, http://www2.hu-berlin.de/muwi/brandenb-1740/pdf/sachs/musikgeschichte.pdf (unpaginated).

(180.) There are minor differences in the hand as it appears in the following manuscripts, which may suggest that each group dates from a slightly different period: (1) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: SA 4594, SA 4595, and Mus.ms.15783; (2) SA 4580, SA 4581, and Mus.ms.30266; (3) SA 2869 and SA 4579.

(181.) Staatsbibliothek, Berlin: Mus.ms.6712.

(183.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 29, 421v–424v (also ÄR 65 [unpaginated]).

(184.) These figures are given in Dorothea Link, “Mozart’s Appointment to the Viennese Court,” in Words about Mozart: Essays in Honour of Stanley Sadie, ed. Dorothea Link and Judith Nagley (Wood-bridge, U.K.: Boydell Press, 2005), 155.

(185.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 66 (unpaginated) (also Protokolle 30, 119v–124r); Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA Protokolle 30, 136v–139r.

(186.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMeA ÄR 66 (unpaginated).

(188.) Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 64, M 29r; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Protocollum Mortuorum, Tom. 31, 134; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Bahrleihbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1770, 296r; Wienerisches Diarium, 15 December 1770.

(189.) The Totenbeschauprotokoll and the Wiener Zeitung give the date as 26 May, and other documents give the date as 28 May. Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna: Totenbeschauprotokolle, vol. 79, M 20r; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Protocollum Mortuorum, Tom. 35, 25v; St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna: Bahrleihbuch der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien der Dompfarre St. Stephan zu Wien, 1781, 179r; Wiener Zeitung, 30 May 1781.

(190.) The class was denoted by the type of bells that were rung (großes Geläut, Fürstengeläut, Bürgergeläut, kleines Geläut). Edeltraud Kando, “Handwerk und Frömmigkeitspraktiken. Religiöse Bestimmungen im frühneuzeitlichen Wien” (Diplomarbeit, Universität Wien, 2009), 110.

(191.) According to secondary literature, Gottlieb Muffat was buried in the church itself, but there is no detailed information in the Bahrleihbuch and no gravestone is known to have survived. See Stefan Rechnitz, Wiener Kirchengräber und Epitaphe (Vienna: printed by author, 1962), 53; Leopold Senfelder, Die Katakomben bei St. Stephan in Sage und Geschichte (Vienna: Hölder Pichler Tempsky, 1924), 149.

(192.) Probate documents for Gottlieb Muffat and his son Johann Karl are listed in the index OMaA 730 (1770, No. 10 and 1767, No. 241, respectively) but are no longer extant.

(193.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMaA 786, No. 23; Wienerisches Diarium, 8 October 1763 (also 12 and 15 October 1763).

(194.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMaA 786, No. 23 (document dated 10 November 1781).

(195.) Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Vienna: OMaA 811, W96.

(196.) The abbreviations TBP and PM refer to the Totenbeschauprotokolle (in Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Vienna) and Protocollum Mortuorum (in St. Stephan, Dompfarre, Vienna), respectively. It is not uncommon for there to be discrepancies between church death records and the Viennese Totenbeschauprotokolle. These may have occurred because of the procedure of recording deaths. The dead were inspected, and a death certificate (Totenbeschauzettel) was issued. Death certificates—which were often barely legible—were usually copied into the book at a much later date and for this reason entries are not always reliable. In the Totenbeschauprotokolle the date given is that of inspection, which up until the second half of the eighteenth century was generally one day after the death. The records from 21 April 1752 onward are ordered alphabetically and then chronologically (records prior to this are only ordered chronologically); this additional filtering of data may account for further incongruities.

(197.) Library and archive abbreviations follow RISM. See http://www.rism.info/en/community/development/rism-sigla-catalogue.html (accessed March 19, 2013) for more information.